Principal findings
This study highlights five key findings. First, Presidential speeches were an effective medium for delivering COVID-19 public health messages (Non-pharmaceutical Interventions) to the public. However, these pronouncements and directives were not law in Uganda thus the need to enact public health Rules for enforcement. Secondly, the declaration of COVID-19 under the Public Health Act was key to implementing the NPIs. Third, enactment of COVID-19 Rules was necessary but not sufficient to control the pandemic, hence other laws came into play. Fourth, the NPIs evolved along the pandemic curve and there was need to realign the COVID-19 Rules frequently as appropriate. Finally, enacting COVID-19 Rules attracted specific litigation and somewhat infringed on certain human rights provisions.
Findings in relation to other studies
Uganda was one of the first in sub-Saharan Africa to enact COVID-19 specific laws as early as the 17th of March 2021. Noteworthy, Uganda had previously successfully contained several highly contagious disease outbreaks like Cholera, Yellow Fever, Ebola Virus Disease, and so on (24), (25, 26), without necessarily enacting special laws that bring into question whether special laws were required in the first place. In fact, the last time Uganda applied section 27 of the Public Health Act to control diseases was in relation to plague in the 1980s, namely, the Public Health Rules (Plague Control), Statutory Instrument 281 – 27. What was unique in Uganda, however, was that these were preceded by high-level political commitment with Presidential COVID-19 pronouncements and directives, which weren’t law, and thus enacting Rules legalized these measures.
Countries could share best practices about processes of developing Rules to implement the legal framework during the height of a public health emergency. The application of laws to respond to the COVID-19 outbreak was also seen in other countries in sub-Saharan Africa (6 2021) such as South Africa (27), Kenya (28) and Botswana (29) in late March and April 2021. Higher income countries including China in Asia (30), New Zealand in Oceania (31) , United Kingdom in Europe (32) and USA in the Americas (33) did the same too. While some countries issued subsidiary legislations under their public health principal law, others enforced related laws. For instance, a subsidiary legislation was passed under the Kenyan Public Order Act to enforce curfew, that is, the Public Order (State Curfew) Variation Order (34) in April 2020. In June 2020, Trinidad and Tobago, the Public Health [2019 Novel Coronavirus (2019-nCov)] (No.12) Regulations, 2020 (35) were passed under the Public Health Ordinance, Ch. 12 No. 4.
The Rules imposed restrictions on public gatherings, hours of business operations, casinos, cinemas, theatres, gyms, school establishments, and restaurants. The same Rules provided guidelines on quarantine, treatment of COVID-19 patients, closed Trinidad borders, and prohibited testing in private medical laboratories. In China, laws were used to enforce compliance and control the spread of COVID-19. The Chinese government used experts to make COVID-19 specific laws under the Chinese Criminal law (30) that made it an offense for a person to violate laws on the prevention and control measures against COVID-19. The COVID-19 Rules were dynamic with “sunset provisions” of expiry, aligned to the evolving epidemic curve. These frequent amendments (21 in Uganda) of the COVID-19 Rules defied the principle of predictability of laws, “Stare decisis”. This observation was consistent in South Africa using the Disaster Management Act 2002 to develop, implement and amend several core Rules depending on the five levels of epidemic alertness (36). Although the provisions in the Public Health Act 1984 (Control of Disease) were seemingly adequate at the start (37), the United Kingdom enacted a new Coronavirus Disease Act, 2020 (38) that was reviewed often to add, remove or renew provisions as an outbreak evolved. Some of the COVID-19 preventive health measures (NPIs) directly restrained human rights such as the right to education (Article 30), the right to practice any religion (Article 29), and right to move freely throughout (Article 29), to enter, leave and return to Uganda. This scenario was prevalent globally and not in Uganda alone (39). Noteworthy, these COVID-19 preventive measures became more stringent as the outbreak evolved with increasing cases and deaths, such as community quarantine or total “lockdown” (40). Perhaps, it is the perception of infringement of human rights that triggered litigation in courts of law in Uganda, Kenya (41), Southern Africa (42), UK (43) and the USA (44).
Overall, decisions of court upheld the provisions of COVID-19 Rules across different jurisdictions. The cases filed in Ugandan courts challenged the implementation of the presidential pronouncements, some of which received judgement by the time of this study. In Uganda, while the Courts upheld the Rules in the case filed to permit political rallies; they favored the case of reclassifying more professional groups. For example, the Legal fraternity classified as essential workers thereby increasing the number of people on the streets. Similar studies elsewhere documented court cases filed during COVID-19 peak outbreaks and after control (45). In some of the cases, the courts at the beginning of the pandemic rejected challenges to COVID-19 emergency orders but later on supported them (45). For instance, in the United States of America recommended active review of the role of policies in evidence-based decision-making during outbreaks (45, 46).
Strengths and limitations
In terms of strengths, this study is one of the first to employ a legal perspective in documenting the enactment of Rules during pandemics or epidemics in a low-income country. In addition, this study employs multiple sources of data to corroborate the findings such as Presidential speeches, resolutions of Cabinet meetings, Statutory Instruments, the registry of court cases in Uganda and COVID-19 situation reports. Importantly, the COVID-19 Presidential pronouncements and directives on NPIs were based on sound scientific evidence. Shortcomings of this study included limited consultation with a broader scope of stakeholders due to the unique emergency response circumstances caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. However, this was overcome by Presidential speeches with directives informed by the COVID-19 National Task Force at the Office of the Prime minister, the sector-specific COVID-19 task force at the Ministry of Health, the Scientific Advisory Committee, and other lobbyists such as school owners and operators. Although this study did not document the impact of the COVID-19 Rules on NPI compliance, we found it important to describe in detail the process of enacting Rules as a starting point. Prospective impact evaluations are recommended. Also, the study did not investigate the perception and knowledge of the provisions in the Rules at the sub-national levels.
Implications for legal, public health practice and policy
Clearly, the findings of this study suggest several practice and policy considerations. Certainly, the Legal fraternity has a role to play in the control of pandemics. However, the available Legal expertise in Uganda, for example the Health Cluster of the Uganda Law Society, was limited to medical laws and not necessarily the wider public health realm. The COVID-19 pandemics underscores the need for a paradigm shift by Law Schools in Uganda to tailor modules on legal reforms of public health laws. Although public health interventions may be lifesaving, these should be enforced through Laws. The plethora of legal suits arising from the general provisions and specific Rules to control COVID-19 in Uganda reinforces this argument. The COVID-19 rules were time bound, with “sunset provisions”, and evolved with the epidemic curve. For example, the COVID-19 prohibition orders such as closure of the airport had an expiry period. Considerations of controlling deadly pandemics such as COVID-19 would balance the need to respect human rights. In other words, the Rules should not go beyond what is minimally necessary lest human rights were infringed upon. This suggests enforcement of COVID-19 NPI Rules would be accompanied by sensitization of the enforcement agencies such as the Uganda Police and Resident District Commissioners.
Implications for future research
This study delineates key information gaps for future investigation. Whether enactment of specific Rules to contain pandemics such as COVID-19 is relevant requires further study. For example, article 23 (1) (d) of the 1995 Constitution of Uganda provides for the withdrawal of personal liberties and hypothetically, if the Public Health Act (Cap 281) did not exist the Constitution would be sufficient. Further, the successful control of previous epidemics such as Ebola in Uganda was done without enacting specific Rules, which lends credence to this hypothesis. Additional studies would look into the impact of enacting COVID-19 specific Rules in relation to human rights and other unforeseen undesirable effects in Uganda. For example, religious freedoms were curtailed and delays in accessing primary health care by HIV/AIDS or pregnant women during enforcement of NPIs were reported. A crucial aspect of research would be when and how to integrate scientific evidence, public health interventions and legal provisions. For example, what NPIs go into law and what goes into SOPs would be informative and possibly efficient given the evolving scientific evidence base in previous unknown pandemics such as COVID-19. Finally, it would be informative to understand the interaction of local COVID-19 Rules and the WHO International Health Regulations 2005 for cross border health.