In low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), women often face poor health outcomes during the course of pregnancy, childbirth, and the postpartum period (1). These include severe bleeding, infections, high blood pressure, delivery complications, unsafe abortion, and the aggravation of pre-existing health conditions (2, 3). A recent systematic analysis found that of all-causes maternal deaths, haemorrhage accounts for 27.1% deaths while hypertension and sepsis are responsible for 14% and 10.7% deaths, respectively (3). Of about 830 women who die from pregnancy- or childbirth-related complications around the world every day, 99% deaths occur in LMICs (2). It is also estimated that of the 2.6 million stillbirths occurring globally in 2015, 98% were in LMICs (4). Further, the risk of a woman in a LMIC dying from a maternal-related cause during her lifetime is about 33 times higher compared to her counterpart in a high-income country (5). Specifically, such a risk remains high in Burundi (6). It is estimated that about two Burundian women out of 100 will die of pregnancy-related conditions including haemorrhage, infections, eclampsia and unsafe abortion during their reproductive life (7). Despite having made progress in maternal health indicators during the past three decades, Burundi has one of the highest maternal mortality ratios in the world (2). In 2015, 712 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births occurred, which is number eight highest maternal mortality ratio globally (2).
Most health conditions occurring during pregnancy, childbirth, and in the post-partum period are preventable and curable by timely and appropriate maternal health care (4, 8). Evidence has shown that provision of quality antenatal, intrapartum and postnatal care is an effective strategy to avert maternal and neonatal deaths (4, 9, 10). With an aim to improve antenatal care (ANC), the World Health Organisation (WHO) introduced the Focused ANC (FANC) model which recommends a minimum of four ANC visits during the course of the pregnancy period. According to the FANC guidelines, the first and second ANC visits should take place during the first and second trimesters, respectively; and the last two visits during the third trimester of pregnancy (11). The FANC model was updated in 2016 and recommends a minimum of eight ANC contacts between the pregnant woman and a skilled health provider during the course of the pregnancy. Instead of “visit”, the 2016 model uses the word “contact” to imply that a pregnant woman engages an active connection with a health care provider which is more likely to improve the woman’s experience of care. The first contact is scheduled to happen during the first trimester, the second and the third contacts during the second trimester, and the remaining five contacts during the third trimester of the pregnancy (12, 13). Both the models emphasise that births be assisted by skilled birth attendant, preferably at a health facility (13).
Across the East African subregion including in Burundi, maternal health indicators remain below the targets (Table 1).
Table 1. Sub-regional performance in maternal health indicators
|
women attending at least 4 ANC visits (%)
|
births assisted by skilled birth attendant (%)
|
Burundi
|
49%
|
85%
|
Kenya
|
58%
|
62%
|
Rwanda
|
44%
|
91%
|
Tanzania
|
51%
|
63%
|
Uganda
|
60%
|
74%
|
Source: National DHS surveys (14-18)
In Burundi, a low-income and politically fragile country located astride East and Central Africa, pregnant women receive full free maternal health services since 2006 (19) while frontline health care providers receive performance-based incentives (20). However, those policy efforts did not yield expected results as rates of pregnant women who attend at least four ANC visits (and most importantly eight contacts) and those delivering in a health facility remain below national targets (14).
Empirical evidence, mostly from LMICs, has shown that the woman’s health care seeking behavior — which is governed by her attitude towards health services utilisation and by some individual-, household- and community-level factors — determines her utilisation of maternal health services (21, 22). For instance, in a study of the socio-economic determinants of maternal health care utilisation among Turkish women, findings suggested that more educated women and those with lower parity were more likely to seek ANC services from a qualified health professional and to deliver in a health facility (21). In the same way, a recent meta-analysis study by Finlayson and Downe (2013) found that the lack of decision-making power and the absence of perceived ANC attendance benefits constitutes the key barriers to health seeking among pregnant women (23). Additionally, in their study of the socio-economic determinants of maternal health care utilisation in Ghana, Patience Aseweh Abor et al. (2011) found significant impact of the mother’s age, education level, economic status, ethnicity, religious affiliation, residence and location on her maternal health care seeking behavior (24). According to the same study, the type of pregnancy, single or twin, also affects the mother’s decision both during pregnancy and childbirth (24). Other studies have found similar results in different contexts including in Ghana (25), Nepal (26) and in Benin, Burkina Faso and Cameroon (27). Moreover, a wealth literature claims that women from large and poor families underutilise maternal health services. This trend was confirmed by studies in the Philippines (28), Bangladesh (29), Ghana (24) and recently in Nepal and Nigeria (30, 31). In Turkey for instance, women who belonged to families that own a car were nearly twice more likely to utilise ANC services and be assisted during childbirth (21). The family size has also been found to affect maternal health services utilisation. Women from large and poor families underutilised maternal health services in the Philippines (28), Bangladesh (29), Ghana (24) and recently in Nepal and Nigeria (30, 31). Finally, being from a rural setting can fraught with maternal health services utilisation. In Thailand, the probability that a woman delivers in a health facility and receives childbirth assistance by a skilled birth attendant was significantly reduced by the long commute distance and the mountainous terrain while it was increased by the presence of maternal health services within the neighbourhood (32). Similarly, in a study by Navaneetham and Dharmalingam (2002), the place of residence determined utilisation of maternal health services among women in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu of south India. According to findings from this study, the likelihood of institutional delivery increased by over two times among women in urban settings of Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka and there was a significant difference in the place of delivery between women in rural versus urban areas of Kerala (33).
However, there is a scarcity of published evidence from the East African context about the reasons for poor maternal service utilisation. Specially, in the context of Burundi, there is no study to our knowledge that explores why pregnant women underutilise maternal health services which are already government-subsidised and provided free of charge. Therefore, this study aims to fill this gap by investigating the socio-economic factors that affect the likelihood of attending ANC services provided by a trained health professional, affect the number of ANC visits attended and affect the choice of type of delivery.