The Great Recession of 2008 resulted in negative growth in most European countries. Governments in these countries, facing rising cost of bank bailouts and falling tax revenue, took the unprecedented step to adopt steep austerity measures in order to balance their budgets (IMF, 2012). While nations that required debt financing and conditional support (like Greece and Ireland) bore the largest brunt from these measures, many other European countries also initiated their own austerity programs (Theodoropoulou & Watt, 2011). These programs mostly entailed large spending cuts (and on few occasions tax reductions as well). These cuts have largely been targeted towards public administration and social protection (ibid). In the public sector, governments enforced various measures that can largely be categorized into quantitative adjustments (which included pay cuts, and hiring freezes), and structural reforms (which entailed downsizing, privatizing, and decentralizing) (Vaughan-Whitehead, 2013). Besides affecting public administration, austerity measures also entailed cutting back on public expenditure in social protection programs in various sectors inter alia health, environment, research and development and education (Karanikolos et al., 2013; Theodoropoulou & Watt, 2011). Cuts in public budget was further coupled with an economic environment which included massive unemployment, and lack of access to finance and credit (Karanikolos et al., 2013), necessitating various structural and management reforms undertaken by the public government.
Although public management and public finance reforms date back to the early New Public Management (NPM) era, the financial pressures on government after the financial crisis has been unprecedented (Pollitt, 2010; Raudla et al., 2015). Under such circumstances, political and bureaucratic elites have argued that for the foreseeable future that budget constraints within the public sector is likely to persist and that public sector within their countries need to be smarter, leaner and more productive to achieve “more with less” (Randma-Liiv & Kickert, 2017b; Wanna et al., 2015). On the other hand, public organizations also need to ensure they are able to tackle increasingly complex social, economic, and environmental problems (Albury, 2011). Such conditions require public organizations to find novel and innovative solutions to their day-to-day problems.
However, it is widely perceived that financial resources are crucial to organizational innovation. Neo-Schumpeterian theory argues that access to resources allow organizations to dedicate funds towards innovation to retain their quasi-monopolistic rents (Schumpeter, 1942). Studies have shown that access to finance permits organizations to hire specialized human resources, provides support for exploration and experimentation, and enables them to insource external knowledge through extensive knowledge search or collaboration (Hewitt-Dundas, 2006). High uncertainty and absence of strategic choices due to resource constraints, however, can lead organizations to greater departmental conflicts, and avoidance of risk employees often resort to focusing on their specialization, and refrain from venturing outside beyond their own competence (Hoegl et al., 2008).
Therefore, given the pressure imposed upon the public organizations to perform, it becomes important to understand how financial constraints are affecting their innovative performance. Existing work on fiscal austerity measures has mostly looked at the effects of budget cuts on government performance and innovation from two perspectives. The first group of studies has focused on governance highlighting the innovative approaches to public finance undertaken by national and local governments in Western economies amidst severe budget constraints (Silva & Buček, 2014). However, scholars have argued that studies on financial governance often ignore the effects they can have on public administrations and have called for more investigation into the management strategies undertaken by public service organizations to overcome these challenges (Overmans & Noordegraaf, 2014). To overcome this gap, the second set of studies has examined the phenomenon from a qualitative perspective looking at the effects of such measures on organizational values, and innovation outcomes of public organizations (Heald & Steel, 2018). However, such, case/country-specific studies have often ignored how despite similar fiscal pressures, different nuances of institutional pressures amongst countries that can produce differences in innovation outcomes within public organizations (Demircioglu & Audretsch, 2017; Randma-Liiv & Kickert, 2017a).
This study departs from existing literature in its focus on examining variations in creativity and innovation displayed by organizations and their employees amidst fiscal crises. It takes a comparative institutional approach to understand variations in innovation outcomes by examining the moderating role played by national institutions. Combining data from the Coordinating for Cohesion in the Public Sector of the Future (COCOPs) project, the European Values Survey (EVS) and the World Governance Survey (WGS), it investigates how differences in social norms and values across countries can moderate the effect fiscal austerity can have on innovation outcomes in the public organizations.
1.1 Financial constraints and innovation
Declining budgets, along with rising complexity of social problems and increasing potential for collaboration, has been attributed as a major driver of innovation in the public sector (Torfing & Triantafillou, 2016). However, resource-based view of the firm often posits that an organization’s ‘combinative capacity’ or its ability to innovate is not only a function of its tacit and accumulated knowledge-base but also its accumulation of financial resources. Access to financial resources is typically expected to improve an organization’s innovation capacity since it allows organizations to accumulate new knowledge and improve its existing knowledge base (Hewitt-Dundas, 2006). Resourceful organizations can augment their human resource capacity, invest in research and development, or collaborate with external agencies that improve their absorptive capacities and enable them to innovate. Generating tacit knowledge base also takes time (Zhang & Zheng, 2020). Returns to investments in innovation are highly uncertain, sticky and consist of high adjustment costs (Hall, 2002). More specifically, costs incurred in hiring and retaining additional resources tend to be highly recurrent and drive up the equilibrium rate of return for investments in innovation (ibid). As a result, financial constraints disincentivize organizations to take greater risks over longer periods of time and invest in innovation generation.
Additionally, absence of sufficient resources produces other problems that might impede innovation. As Cyert and March (1963) argue, an organization is a coalition of self-interested subunits, yet resource availability and slack act as lubricants that permit relatively frictionless coexistence of such subunits. A situation of scarcity then can lead to conflicts amongst subgroups in organizations threatening organizational harmony (Nohria & Gulati, 1997). More pertinently, such situations of conflict also increase coordination costs within organizations and increase barriers to information flow and processing from within and beyond organizations (ibid). If knowledge flow and absorption is crucial for generating innovation, rise in cost of knowledge search and absorption is bound to discourage innovative activities. Even at individual or team level, lack of resources might lead to lower employee morale, with employees blaming their poor innovative performances on their “circumstances” (Hoegl et al., 2008). In such situations, organizations often resort to their core competence and are disinclined to undertake any unnecessary risks.
H1: Resource constraints lead to lower innovation outcomes in public organizations
However, under certain circumstances, constraints in resources can also incentivize innovation. Early Schumpeterian theory argued that smaller firms with lower resources possess the dynamic creativity to drive innovation forward (Schumpeter, 1934). While this view has been challenged in recent times, evidence shows that there are still sufficient reasons to argue that resource constraints can also drive innovation forward. Various studies have pointed out that under research constraints, production teams and users have produced more innovative results than comparatively resource counterparts (Gibbert & Scranton, 2009; Mehta & Zhu, 2016; Rosso, 2014).
These studies show different factors drive innovation at different organizational levels. For instance, at the individual level, innovations can arise from entrepreneurial bricolage (Baker & Nelson, 2005), or leadership (Marvel & Patel, 2018), or simply, the intrinsic motivation attached with the work (including the nature of the problem itself) (Amabile et al., 2002; Cromwell, 2018). At the team level, factors such as clarity of goals, team climate, team cohesion, domain-specific skills, and team leadership have been attributed to teams generating innovative outcomes under resource constraints (Hoegl et al., 2008; Rosso, 2014; Weiss et al., 2011). At the organizational level, theories have been put forward to argue that environmental factors under which organizations operate, nature and dynamics of the resource constraint and the size of the organizations can determine their innovative capacity (Hewitt-Dundas, 2006; Katila & Shane, 2005).
While the importance of aforementioned factors cannot be overstated, this study departs from the earlier literature by arguing that broader social norms under which organizations operate also play a crucial role in moderating the role between financial resource constraints and innovation. The focus on broader social factors permits us to explore two novel but important dimensions in innovation literature. First, it allows for a more nuanced understanding of innovation in public organizations whose performance is not particularly motivated by the contingent market based factors like competition or market size, but more so by their objective to generate public value (Cowley & Smith, 2014; Moore, 1995). Second, it allows making comparison of organizations across societies and reflect whether broader social norms play a role in differential innovation outcomes across countries.
1.2 Social norms, resource constraints and innovation
We use Merton’s strain theory of deviance to argue that social norms play an important role in incentivizing innovation in organizations (Merton, 1968). Merton argues that strains arise when there is a misalignment between the normative social goals and the legitimate or institutional mechanisms to achieve them. Given sufficient strain, individuals deviate from their expected behavior (Merton, 1968). While the original strain theory and the subsequent general strain theory were designed to understand deviant and criminal behavior amongst individuals in the society, over the years, the framework has also been used to explain deviances (like corruption and more pertinently innovation) within organizations (Tenzer & Yang, 2020; Wang et al., 2020).
As mentioned earlier, strain theory argues that misalignment between normative social goals and legitimate institutional mechanisms to achieve those goals lead to deviances. In case of organizations, this misalignment can result in what organizational theorists call, destructive, and constructive deviances (Warren, 2003). In an organization, destructive deviance can lead to undesirable activities like fraud, embezzlement or violence which can impose significant costs to the organization and the society (Galperin & Burke, 2006). However, potentially harmful behavior, the strain theory argues, is just one type of outcome of the strain arising out of misalignment. Depending on the nature of the misalignment, the strain theory posits that deviances can be of different types (ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion). Only when organizations or their employees reject broader social norms and mechanisms, and the institutional mechanisms to achieve those norms, are they expected to conduct themselves unethically. Meanwhile, innovations can arise when the deviant organizations accept the broader social goals but reject the mechanisms provided to achieve them (refer to (Pals, 2015) for an overview). While traditionally such deviant actions have been perceived in behavioral terms (such as whistleblowing or exercising voice), there is no reason to delimit constructive deviance to exclude innovation (Demir & Knights, 2021; Vadera et al., 2013). After all innovations, as Merton would argue, would require non-conformity against established products or processes to achieve organizational goals (Heckert & Heckert, 2002).
1.3 Civic norms, resource constraints and public sector innovation
Given that budget cuts impose a financial strain on public organizations, innovations can arise when conditions are right (Demircioglu & Audretsch, 2017; Sahni et al., 2013). For instance, Glor (2001) found that council government in New Brunswick had to resort to innovative solutions under conditions of austerity provided conditions for performance imposed by the central authorities. While imposition of direct authority can be a way forward, we argue that under condition of financial scarcity, existence of strong civic norms provide the necessary strain for the public organizations to innovate.
There are two mechanisms through which civic norms might influence the effect of financial constraints on innovation. First, at broader social level, persistence of strong civic norms creates accountable political institutions that put pressure on public organizations to perform even during times of financial stress. In other words, it makes “citizens sophisticated consumers of politics” (Boix & Posner, 1998). This is because societies with stronger civic norms are more likely to 1) be vigilant and to monitor government performance (Coffé & Geys, 2005); 2) engage in policy activism and collective bargaining to demand policy changes (Coffé & Geys, 2005; Tavits, 2006); and 3) punish non-performing politicians (Nannicini et al., 2013). Under circumstances where resources to insource knowledge on popular will is scarce, vocalization and representation of people’s demand reduces the cost of gathering information for public organizations. At the same time, the political and bureaucratic demand to perform is also likely to be higher and therefore, constraints on institutional mechanisms likely to put larger strain on public organizations.
Second, at the organizational level, presence of strong civic norms is likely to lead to improved bureaucratic capacity and increased possibility to innovate. Studies show that political elites and bureaucrats in societies with strong civic norms are more likely to create an atmosphere of greater trust and compromise between and among themselves (Boix & Posner, 1998). This reduces cost of networking and coordination under strenuous conditions making innovations more viable and easier to implement (Hsin-Mei, 2006). Strong civic norms are also likely to generate greater civic sense and esprit de corps amongst public officials under such stressful conditions (Boix & Posner, 1998) while greater trust and cooperation between the public employees is likely to empower individuals within their social networks and enable them to undertake more risks (Ferris et al., 2017; Leana & van Buren, III, 1999). Therefore, greater empowerment, lower cost of networking and higher civic sense is likely to motivate public employees to innovate when financial constraints lead to strain in public organizations.
Therefore, in situations where organizations find themselves in financial stress, differences in the strength of social and civic norms can lead to differences in innovation outcomes.
H2: Strength of civic norms positively moderates the relationship between resource constraints and public sector innovation