An increasing offer of commercial diagnostic tests (CDT) is available for consumers worldwide. CDT allow consumers to obtain insight into their health status without prior visit to a doctor or medical specialist. Examples include over-the counter diagnostic tests such as COVID-19-antigen kits, cholesterol tests and allergy tests, but also wearables such as heart monitors and sleep monitors, online orderable commercial tests, such as testing kits for sexually transmittable diseases, health questionnaires and direct-to-consumer genetic tests, and on-site commercial tests, such as COVID-19-PCR tests, fitness tests and total body scans (TBS) (1). While CDT are - by definition - private markets, they may affect the public health system through follow-up costs, for example doctors’ consultations and treatments following positive CDT results (2, 3). Proponents of CDT advocate benefits of early diagnosis, patient awareness, empowerment, and lifestyle changes, and, as a result, improved health and lower healthcare costs downstream (2, 4). Opponents warn for unnecessary medicalization, low-value care and redundant follow-up healthcare costs (2, 3).
CDT are particularly predominant in the US, where high out-of-pocket spending reduces the public burden of follow-up costs. Contrary, in countries with a broad collective healthcare system additional follow-up cost-effects are predominantly shared collectively (4). This may exacerbate externalities in the market for self-tests, and consequently increase potential for market failure. For example, if proponents are right, CDT may lead to early diagnosis, lowering future treatment costs for advanced illnesses, or may promote a healthy lifestyle, which also may lower future health costs. As these are shared collectively, other people benefit from the use of CDT in the form of lower health taxes and premiums, which are not taken into account in the decision-making process of the potential consumer. In that case, encouraging CDT consumption would enhance total welfare. Contrary, if opponents are correct, CDT may spur unnecessary follow-up tests, consultations, and treatments, boosting health costs for others through increased health taxes and premiums. As potential consumers are unlikely to take into account that CDT consumption may also incur costs to others, CDT may be overconsumed from the perspective of society. However, methodology and frameworks to assess the effects of CDT in the context of a universal health system and inform policy makers have been lacking. In other words, at the margin the costs to society outweigh the private benefits of consumption. These so-called externalities may be a reason for policymakers to intervene into the market (5). We build upon the theory of externalities to assess the market for CDT and inform policy makers.
Economist Arthur Pigou studied the effects of positive or negative externalities on market outcomes, as shown in Fig. 1. Here, a downward sloping demand curve (green) represents the willingness-to-pay (WTP) for a CDT as a function of the expected benefits, including follow-up treatment effects. The horizontal supply curves show the cost of production, where the middle line (blue) represents the private costs: the price of CDT plus the expected value of copayment in case of follow-up payments. Externalities cause social costs of production to deviate from private costs, either in the form of negative externalities (upper orange line) or positive externalities (lower orange line). If consumption of CDT causes additional costs to the health system borne by taxpayers, social costs are higher than private costs, leading to overconsumption (Q*minus Qopt−). However, if consumption of CDT leads to cost savings to the health system, which accrue to taxpayers, social costs are lower than private costs, leading to underconsumption (Qopt+ minus Q*). Theoretically, Pigouvian taxes (topt) or subsidies (sopt) equivalent to the size of the externality correct market outcomes (5).
WTP may be modeled as a function of perceived personal net benefits of consumption. Economic theory suggests that upon the consumption decision, consumers weigh perceived costs and benefits of consumption, which includes health-related benefits but also less tangible private benefits and costs. Health benefits may follow from early diagnosis and treatment as well as lifestyle changes resulting from diagnosis of (risk of) diseases. Consumers may also include potential negative health benefits, e.g. risk of overtreatment, in their consumption decision. Less tangible private benefits may include increased certainty, ease of mind, or feeling in control of one’s own health, amongst others. These may also be negative, like additional stress or uncertainty following positive test results, especially in the case of false-positives (6, 7). These benefits -positive or negative- are incorporated into the willingness to pay (WTP) for CDT. WTP may be influenced by income, health state, previous experience with tests, family history, and other individual characteristics (8).
WTP therefore is related to traditional cost-effectiveness measures, such as cost-per-QALY, in the sense that marginal effectiveness of CDT may be incorporated as part of the perceived benefits. However, since additional private consumer values apply to the WTP but are excluded in cost-effectiveness values, WTP for a CDT may be higher than the WTP for any QALY-gains due to CDT consumption. Furthermore, cost-effectiveness measures generally are used to evaluate whether a treatment should be reimbursed collectively, implying that the marginal cost-effectiveness value of a representative person can be used as threshold. However, this does not apply to private markets, where consumption may be valuable for some but not all persons, e.g. those who value health benefits relatively highly, or those who value CDT intrinsically highly (9). Therefore, CDT with unfavorable incremental cost-effectiveness ratios may still have net positive consumption value in the private market. However, in this case externalities should be taken into account (10).
This paper studies CDT markets in the context of the Netherlands, having a universal health system covering over 17 million inhabitants. The Netherlands has a broad benefits package (including general physician (GP) care, hospital care, medication), financed collectively through a mix of insurer premiums, employer contributions and general taxes. Cost sharing constitutes a mandatory deductible of €385 and a voluntary supplementary deductible of €100-€500, while additional cost sharing is limited to long-term care and specialty (brand) medications. The Netherlands is characterized by a GP gatekeeping system, with patients needing a GP-referral to consult inpatient medical specialists. GP visits are free of charge and exempted from the deductible (11, 12). The Dutch government offers a number of free population-wide screening programs, such as breast cancer screening, HPV screening, newborn screening and colorectal cancer screening (13). Nevertheless, the market for consumer CDT is small but growing in the Netherlands (1).
The aim of the paper is to explore externalities in three CDT markets. The aim results in three research questions: 1. Are externalities present in the market for CDT, and what is the direction and size of these externalities in the Netherlands? 2. What is the willingness-to-pay for CDT in the Netherlands? 3. Given current and future prices of CDT, what would be the optimal level of consumption from a societal perspective? The results may inform policymakers on whether regulation of these private markets may improve welfare.