To the best of our knowledge, this is the first national study with a representative sample of PHCFs carried out in Brazil. In the beginning of the pandemic, our group conducted a first survey, but with a convenience sample [33]. Thus, it can be said that the present study is a portrayal not only of the reorganization of Brazilian PHC after 18 months of the pandemic, but it also reflects several debates and disputes of the Brazilian health policy during the period.
The first issue to be highlighted are the deep structural deficiencies that PHC workers in Brazil have to face on a daily basis, which were once again demonstrated in our results. Although the working conditions have significantly improved in recent years, with several programs aimed at improving the PHCF structure and HR provision, the lack of structure remains a reality in several parts of the country, especially in the North and Northeast regions [34, 35], which concentrate more vulnerable populations, with less access to a structured network of health services, once again reissuing the Inverse Care Law [36].
The physical structure, represented by the number of available consultation offices, was a structural obstacle to the offer of adequate care to users at the time of the pandemic, when different workflows for symptomatic respiratory patients must be established. That was overcome by the teams’ creativity, which often created exclusive flows for this type of care in areas outside the PHCF. We may acknowledge that, despite the structural difficulties, a rapid and important change was observed in the organization of both internal and external flows, i.e., what was within the governance of the PHC teams, was carried out promptly. This reorganization of PHCF was also observed in other countries [27, 28] and occurred promptly, being one of the most common responses observed in these services.
The lack of an effective connectivity in all Brazilian PHCFs was drastically felt at this time, especially in the Northeast and North regions. Overcoming this constraint, we highlight one of the most important findings of this study, which demonstrates the strong commitment of our PHC teams to healthcare. Even without institutional resources, the professionals started using their own equipment, such as their mobile phones, to guarantee care. This contributed to a rapid change in the care processes, with the introduction of different forms of remote monitoring, both for users with COVID-19 and for those who needed regular care. A more effective national telehealth policy, with adequate financial support, such as what happened in Australia [37], would have resulted in a gain of scale related to these spontaneous initiatives by professionals, and would have made a difference in the Brazilian scenario.
The introduction of remote modalities to monitor users with COVID-19 was a worldwide practice in PHC, having been reported in the most diverse realities [38, 39]. Undeniably, this introduction will indicate a fundamental change in the type of PHC operations not only in Brazil, but also in the world. Baines et al. carried out, before the pandemic, a scope review on the obstacles and facilitators of the introduction of remote actions in PHC scenarios [40]. Among the obstacles, the lack of understanding of the purposes and effectiveness of remote consultations, the conception that only part of the users would be able to adhere to this practice, and that it should be aimed only at less complex cases were identified. It can be said that within a few months, these issues were minimized for most PHC professionals worldwide, who were rapidly forced to incorporate these tools into their daily lives. Although the changes are extensive, it is worth recalling that the implementation of remote procedures is easier in larger health units, which have good administrative and information technology support, a reality far removed from that observed in the Brazilian scenario [41].
One of the greatest difficulties faced by the PHC was, undoubtedly, to guarantee the continuity of care, which did not occur only in Brazil. Especially in the beginning of the pandemic, the focus of PHC performance was largely on the screening and care of patients with respiratory conditions [22, 38, 42, 43]. At first, elective care was significantly reduced in almost all countries; however, this had to change with the progression of the pandemic. The results found herein are in line with the world scenario, but already indicate adaptations in the work processes to maintain the continuity of care, especially for priority groups. Even though there was a reduction in their activities, the responses to the set of questions related to the continuity of care through routine actions offered in PHC and their adaptations indicate concern with the maintenance of the users' health.
Improving the capacity of the teams, their articulation with the other levels of the system, guaranteeing the coordination of care and, of course, the improvement of the infrastructure are crucial for the Brazilian PHC in order to offer continuous and quality health care. These improvements are essential, as it is very likely that PHC services will have their demand for continuous care increased, especially with an increase in the prevalence of mental health disorders and users with long-term COVID-19 [44–46].
Haldane et al (2020) [47] analyzed the first proposals made by the governments for the performance of PHC services in 14 countries, using as a reference the design by Patel (2008) [48] for the performance of PHC when facing a pandemic. Overall, the documents proposed changes in the work processes, suggesting procedures that would guarantee continuity of care and at the same time reduce the risk of contagion, both for users and professionals, whereas all of them indicated measures to control the epidemic. However, few of them emphasized surveillance actions.
The need to include surveillance actions linked to PHC services stands out in the international literature [49], recalling that the PHC model most often incorporated in the health systems of central capitalist countries is very focused on the physician, the General Practitioner, with a weak community dimension and scarce surveillance actions in the territory. From this perspective, the Brazilian FHS model that virtuously articulates these dimensions and is also supported by a multidisciplinary practice, would start from a higher level in the fight against COVID-19, even more so when it had a network of more than 43,000 FHS teams and 300,000 CHWs. Unfortunately, the totality of this power was wasted by the policy carried out by the Ministry of Health, which did not fulfill its role in policy formulation and definition [50].
The PHC teams carried out the surveillance actions that were under their governance, but the lack of tests prevented the implementation of the test, trace and isolation model to contain the pandemic. This model, associated with the social isolation measures, had positive results in some countries [51] and was identified as one of the most important pillars to combat the spread of the pandemic, before the availability of vaccines. And it could have lessened the immense impact of COVID-19 on the Brazilian population.
Brazil comprises, one could say, many, many ‘countries’, as it is a territory characterized by immense social inequality, demanding a greater role from PHC in guaranteeing care, especially for the most vulnerable populations, which requires the performance of social and intersectoral support actions. These actions, which were already important before the pandemic, took on greater centrality with the advent of COVID-19. There is no way to face the pandemic without guaranteeing decent conditions for the population survival. Despite this importance, this axis was the most fragile one among our results, especially the carrying out of intersectoral actions, demonstrating the immense challenge that is to incorporate these practices into the daily life of PHC teams. The exception was observed in the Northeast region, where social support actions such as distribution of basic food baskets and help for the population to enroll in cash transfer programs were carried out in more than half of the PHCFs.
The results also indicate different profiles in the fight against COVID-19 by the regions. Overall, greater completeness was observed regarding the variables, axes and dimensions related to collective actions in the Northeast and North regions, conveying their greater adherence to one of the main characteristics of Brazilian PHC, its community approach. These actions, in general, have greater local and municipal governability. They demand changes in the work processes, in which the key piece is the FHS through its multiprofessional characteristic and with the central presence of the CHW. On the other hand, the individual dimension is evident especially in the PHCF of the South and Southeast regions. In part, the greatest performance difficulties in the individual dimension in the North and Northeast regions originate from the lack of structural conditions, which make this performance difficult.
In a sense, these two profiles reflect the clash of political projects that have disputed the Brazilian PHC since 2016. The care model of the Family Health Strategy (FHS) has been suffering threats and setbacks that contribute to its de-characterization. Federal initiatives promote a model of individual assistance, responding to acute problems, without connections, continuity, coordination and population and territorial responsibility. The priority of the family health teams has been abolished and the presence of Community Health Workers in the teams has been reduced. Incentives for the hiring of support professionals have been extinct. The “Mais Médicos” (More Doctors) Program, which sent physicians to remote and disadvantaged areas, was discontinued, leaving hundreds of municipalities without doctors. Changes in federal funding constrain the universality of care. The commodification of PHC, the least commercial, more public, and the most efficient sector of SUS, is promoted. With a distinct pace of implementation in the country, depending on the locoregional contexts and institutions, these setbacks produce a greater diversification of care models [52, 53], as it has been clearly seen in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic in our study. It must be crystal clear that only the articulation of the individual and collective dimensions is capable of responding to the various health problems of the Brazilian population, further aggravated by the pandemic.
When we change the scale of analysis, leaving that of the regions and moving on to the municipalities, the results found also show the potential and limits of PHC. The CPI was higher precisely in the PHCF located in municipalities that would have, to begin with, greater difficulty in autonomously coping with COVID-19 (poorer, small municipalities, with rural economy, with fewer complex health services, such as hospitals and ICU beds), which certainly contributed to the reduction of health inequities. In this sense, the expanded role of the PHCF and its plasticity is reinforced, including when it provided care for users with severe conditions. And it is clear that this scenario would be even more virtuous if the effective integration of PHCFs with a network of services with the other levels of complexity were guaranteed throughout the country.
In line with the study by Xavier et al (2022) [54], which showed that the cities where Jair Bolsonaro had the most votes were also the ones that had more deaths from COVID-19 in 2021, differences were observed between the indices (CPI) of the PHCFs according to the percentage of votes for this candidate, with PHCFs above the index median being located in municipalities that were less aligned with the president’s ideas.