Over the past two decades, social science studies have identified social and institutional norms that contribute to social vulnerability. These studies altogether have provided a solid foundation for developing social vulnerability assessment tools and methods. In this section, a brief review of the current state of knowledge regarding social vulnerability drivers and quantitative models for measuring social vulnerability are presented.
2.1. Social Vulnerability Drivers
Previous studies have shown community members with certain social characteristics are more likely to experience more severe consequences of exposure to natural hazards (Bergstrand et al., 2015; Birkmann, 2013; Burton et al., 2018; Burton, 2010; Cutter et al., 2003; Daniel et al., 2022; Dintwa et al., 2019; Drakes et al., 2021; Dunning & Durden, 2011; Flanagan et al., 2011; Guillard-Gonçalves & Zêzere, 2018; Laska & Morrow, 2006; Liu & Li, 2015; Myers et al., 2008; National Research Council, 2006; Oliver-Smith, 2009; Van Zandt et al., 2012; Zahran et al., 2008). A summary of the most common social vulnerability drivers, namely households' race, ethnicity, tenure status, income, size, educational attainment, age, and disability, and the rationale for each driver are discussed herein.
Race and ethnicity have often been considered social vulnerability drivers due to long-standing systemic discrimination and racism leading to limited access to resources of all kinds, as well as lower income, and cultural and language barriers. Minority groups are more likely to occupy houses that are located in hazardous locations, and less likely to have connections to decision-makers and political capital (Cutter et al., 2003; Dunning & Durden, 2011; Flanagan et al., 2011; Laska & Morrow, 2006; Myers et al., 2008; National Research Council, 2006). However, different racial and ethnic identities among minority populations may even differently experience exposure to disasters. For example, African Americans and Hispanics are more likely to live in areas at high risk of flooding from natural disasters than Asian people (Bakkensen & Ma, 2020).
Renters tend to be more socially vulnerable than those who own their homes. Commonly referenced causes for greater social vulnerability for renters include having trouble finding shelter after a disaster, accessing or knowing about recovery financial aid programs, and having limited control over property-level hazard mitigation actions. Renters are also more likely to dislocate after a disaster with limited control over if, when, and for how long they dislocate, making them more susceptible to permanent dislocation. (Cutter et al., 2013; Cutter et al., 2003; Dunning & Durden, 2011)
Household income is directly associated with the number of financial resources that are available for households' risk mitigation and disaster recovery actions. Poor people are less likely to have savings, insurance, or social capital networks with strong financial capital to help them absorb losses and recover or political capital to lobby on their behalf for assistance. Low and very low income households have historically been excluded from accessing federal recovery resources as a result of overlooking policies that require them to demonstrate that damage is in no part due to deferred maintenance (Daniel et al., 2022; Hamideh & Rongerude, 2018). Low and very low income households are also more likely to live in substandard housing in a higher-risk location and may lack resources such as having a vehicle to evacuate in an emergency (Cutter et al., 2003; Dunning & Durden, 2011; Flanagan et al., 2011). In addition, the risk of post-disaster unemployment is greater for lower-wage workers (Laska & Morrow, 2006).
Household size has been attributed to social vulnerability due to imposing a financial burden. Also, larger households are less likely to evacuate in an emergency because of difficulty in coordination, often being multigenerational with young children and elderly members, and difficulty in finding adequate shelter (Dintwa et al., 2019; Liu & Li, 2015).
Educational Attainment is associated with the household’s social, financial, human, and political capitals (Daniel et al., 2022). Higher education is associated with higher salaries, easier access to public resources for hazard preparation and recovery, and more powerful networks with local authorities. On the contrary, for low-educated people, besides lower incomes, practical and bureaucratic obstacles can make it difficult for low-educated individuals to cope with and recover from disasters (Cutter et al., 2003; Flanagan et al., 2011).
The elderly and very young are very likely to pose evacuation challenges, this is true for those with special medical needs and who live in nursing homes or hospitals, as well as for those who live in their own homes (Dunning & Durden, 2011; Myers et al., 2008). Elderly people are more often on fixed incomes and may lack access to financial resources to help them prepare for and recover from a disaster. Elderly homeowners are more likely to have paid off any mortgage on their home and thus are less likely to opt into purchasing flood insurance. On the other hand, children also present important challenges with disasters, including evacuation decisions, and post-disaster childcare (Dunning & Durden, 2011; Laska & Morrow, 2006)
Disabled people face important challenges surrounding disasters, including evacuation challenges depending on the nature of their disability, as well as having access to information, potentially needing a dependent to assist in decision-making around preparedness, evacuation, and recovery, and also more likely being on a fixed income with limited resources at their disposal (Dunning & Durden, 2011; Laska & Morrow, 2006). Literature has also shown that disabled people are more likely to live in manufactured housing. Manufactured housing has its own set of limitations that contribute to the resident’s vulnerability, including being physically vulnerable to natural hazards, less likely that the resident carries insurance, and often complicated tenancy situations where the resident may own the home but rent the land and thus not be in control over dislocation and return decisions (Al-Rousan et al., 2015).
The factors reviewed in this section are the ones adopted into the proposed SVS, and are described from the U.S. perspective. Importantly, there are many other factors that contribute to a household’s social vulnerability in the U.S., such as being a non-native English speaker, household size, and being a female-headed household, among others. Outside of the U.S., many of these factors still contribute to social vulnerability but potentially in different ways alongside other factors. Only considering the above six factors has three other important limitations. First, within the six factors described above are other factors that contribute to social vulnerability, such as not owning a vehicle when someone is also low income. Second, these six factors are not necessarily independent in their influence on social vulnerability. For example, renters, those with limited education, and with disabilities are more likely to be lower income. Third, people have more than one characteristic that defines them; the influence of the intersectionality of factors on social vulnerability is poorly understood. Even when a specific factor, like income, is well-covered in the literature, quantifying its influence on social vulnerability and disaster impacts and outcomes, has important limitations. Social vulnerability itself is a qualitative concept. This paper takes the perspective that quantifying social vulnerability is important for its inclusion in community resilience analysis, but that it must be done with a thorough understanding of the limitations in doing such. The next section reviews the quantitative research on social vulnerability.
2.2. Social Vulnerability Measurement
Models serve an important role in understanding the intersection of humans, disasters, and the built environment. Social vulnerability is an important dynamic at this intersection that is difficult to model and validate given its multidimensional nature and inability to be directly observed and measured (Tate, 2012). Although social vulnerability is complex, situational, and dynamic, past research has made incredible strides forward in measuring social vulnerability during and after disasters. Qualitative disaster studies have widely recognized that multiple dimensions of diversity can have a profound effect on pre-disaster vulnerability and preparation measures, disaster impacts, and post-disaster recovery experiences (Tierney & Oliver-Smith, 2012). However, the intersection of these dimensions is poorly understood, and has not been systematically and quantitatively measured in the past. From our literature review, we found there are three types of quantitative studies on social vulnerability, those that quantify indicators, indices, and influencers. Indicators are quantitative variables intended to represent a characteristic of a system of interest, e.g., the percent of African Americans in a community. Indicators can be composed of single or multiple variables, e.g., the percentage of minorities in a community. Alternatively, multiple indicators can be combined to construct composite indices, which attempt to distill the complexity of an entire system to a single measure. Lastly, influencer studies measure or model the influence that various social vulnerability indicators or composite indices have on specific dependent variables or outcomes. Different studies use different types of data to model social vulnerability, including (a) publicly accessible data, such as census data and tax assessment data; (b) primary data collected in the field before, during, or after a disaster; and (c) social media data. The data may be collected at different spatial scales and resolutions (e.g., state-, county-, census tract-, block group-, neighborhood-, and individual-levels). Given the focus of the present article, only examples of social vulnerability indices that use various types of data at different scales and resolutions are reviewed here.
The social vulnerability index (SoVI) developed by Cutter et al. (2003) is perhaps the most frequently cited place-based social vulnerability index. The effort started with 250 variables and was reduced to 85 variables after testing for multicollinearity, but finally, 42 independent variables were used in the factor analysis. Through their principal component factor analysis, the 42 indicators were reduced to 11 independent factors accounting for 76.4% of the variance in social vulnerability across all counties examined. The 11 independent factors included per capita income, median age, number of commercial establishments per square mile, the percent of the population employed in extractive industries, percent of housing units that are mobile homes, percent of the population that is African American, percent of the population that is Hispanic, percent of the population that is Native American, percent of the population that is Asian, percent of the population employed in service occupations, and percent of the population employed in transportation, communication, and public utilities. The factor scores were incorporated into an additive model producing the social vulnerability index. The SoVI formulation has evolved over time in response to changes in the knowledge of vulnerability assessment and data collection methods. The SoVI was initiated using the U.S. 1990 decennial Census data, however, its most recent version (SoVI 2010–14) synthesizes data on 29 variables from the American Community Survey (ACS) 5-year survey (Cutter & Morath, 2013). The SoVI 2010-14 was computed and mapped for all 3,141 counties and its value ranges from 9.6 (lowest) to 49.51 (highest) across the counties. The values were classified into five qualitative categories, from “Very Low” to “Very High,” using a mean and standard deviation.
The SVI/CDC is another common place-based social vulnerability index and is developed by the U.S. Center for Disease Control and Prevention (Flanagan et al., 2011). Public health officials use the SVI/CDC to identify and map community members most likely to need support before, during, and after hazardous events. The index is composed of 15 equally weighted variables at the census tract that are classified into four overarching themes with the same level of importance. The 15 variables include below poverty, unemployed, income, no high school diploma, aged 65 or older, aged 17 or younger, civilian with a disability, single-parent households, minority, aged 5 or older who speaks English less than well, multi-unit structures, mobile homes, crowding, no vehicle, and group quarters. The four themes include (1) socioeconomic status, (2) household composition and disability, (3) minority status and language, and (4) housing type and transportation, where each theme represents an underlying dimension of social vulnerability. A percentile rank is calculated for each census tract over each of 15 variables. The percentile rank of variables is summed into each theme to produce a theme score. In the next step, the scores are summed, then the census tracts are ordered based on their summed scores to calculate the overall percentile ranking. Lastly, a quartile classification system is used to classify the ranked census tracts, where the highest and lowest quartiles represent the highest and lowest socially vulnerable tracts, respectively. The CDC published social vulnerability maps and index values for the entire United States for the years 2000, 2010, 2014, 2016, and 2018.
There are examples of using other social vulnerability indices in the literature. For example, Van Zandt et al. (2012) built a place-based social vulnerability index on the basis of the SoVI to be used for census block-level community-based planning. At this smaller scale, only 17 out of 29 SoVI variables were available from public data sources. Through an unarticulated weighting system, each variable value was normalized to range from 0 to 1. These normalized indicators were then split into groups to form several composite indices of second-order social vulnerability measures (e.g., child care needs, transportation needs), and finally, all 17 normalized indicators were combined into a third-order hotspot index and mapped across Galveston, TX.
In another study, Collins et al. (2009) developed a social vulnerability index to combine with physical vulnerability and map the risk of natural hazards in a metropolis that straddles the Mexico-United States border. The model measures social vulnerability by assessing four related elements including population, access to resources, socioeconomic status, and institutional capacity. Each of these elements is represented by a set of sociodemographic and economic variables with a value ranging from 0 to 1. Once all variables are computed, their average is calculated to create the index. The index values are then divided into quintiles and mapped.
Wu et al. (2002) employed a modified version of the methodology adopted by Cutter et al. (2000) and calculated a vulnerability index using only 9 demographic variables taken from the 1990 US Census block statistics. The list of variables includes total population, housing units; the number of females, non-white residents, people under 18, people over 60, female-headed single-parent households, renter-occupied housing units, and median house value. The model calculates the ratio of each variable’s value in each census block against the maximum value for the variable in the county. The ratios range from 0 to 1; higher index values represent higher vulnerability. The arithmetic mean of these 9 variables for each census block was defined as the social vulnerability index. Then, the values were divided into quartiles, labeled respectively as low, moderate, high, and very high social vulnerability regions.
Montz and Evans (2001) developed a new means of measuring social vulnerability based on the existing indices. According to Montz and Evans (2001), social vulnerability can be measured sufficiently by using only five socioeconomic characteristics, namely population under 15, population over 65, a single female head of household, median household income, and population density. These variables were estimated for each census block in the study area and then aggregated by three different models to produce the index. The first model assumes that each variable contributes equally to differentiating vulnerability. The second model, inversely, was built on the assumption that different variables contribute differently to determining social vulnerability, and weights are assigned to each variable, based on their relative contribution. The third model includes a scaling scheme in addition to weighting the variables. The social vulnerability maps were created individually based on each model. Montz and Evans (2001) concluded that their first two models map social vulnerability similarly, but they may overestimate vulnerability in flood plains compared to the third model.
Of the indices reviewed above, the SoVI and SVI/CDC are the most widely applied, however, they are not easily executable for testbed development purposes because (1) both the SoVI and SVI/CDC synthesize needed data from the ACS five-year surveys, which do not provide reliable data finer than the census tract level for the demographic variables they use (Coggins & Jarmin, 2021); (2) multiple SoVI-based measurements of the vulnerability of the same place can yield significantly different results using the same data (Spielman et al., 2020); (3) SoVI and SVI/CDC are sensitive to their initial model’s spatial scale and any changes in their spatial resolution may result in estimates that are inconsistent with their original-scale estimates (Rufat et al., 2019). Similar limitations exist for other available social vulnerability indices which constrain their usage for testbed development purposes. Tate (2012) examined the configurations of available social vulnerability indices to determine how each stage of the index construction process contributes to its overall reliability and internal validation. The present study leverages Tate's (2012) findings and recommendations about improving the stability of the social vulnerability indices to fill an important niche in the literature: to develop an internally robust scalable social vulnerability index for the purpose of adoption in community resilience testbeds.