China’s population is aging rapidly. According to data from China’s seventh census in 2020, the population aged 60 or older is 264.02 million, accounting for 18.70% of the total population. Of this subpopulation, 190.64 million people are aged 65 or older, accounting for 13.50% of the total population [1]. Compared with the sixth census of 2010, the proportion of people aged 60 or older and 65 or older increased by 5.44% and 4.63%, respectively [2]. Given the rapidly growing number of older people, well-being in later life is an important goal that policy makers, intervention designers, and researchers should pursue in the next few decades.
Life satisfaction is defined as individuals’ subjective assessment of their global life and is an important indicator of quality of life [3]. For older adults, life satisfaction not only reflects their capacity to function in daily life, but also plays a key role in enhancing their social participation and promoting meaning in life. In general, factors related to life satisfaction in later life include demographic characteristics such as age, gender, educational attainment, income, socioeconomic status, and marital status, along with other health-related and living environment factors [4-11]. Empirical studies showed that both social capital formed in community-based social network and family social capital (e.g., relationships with and support from family members) play important roles in enhancing life satisfaction in later life [9, 11].
Both life satisfaction and social capital are sensitive to social, cultural, and economic contexts [12, 13]. Given that China is a typical urban–rural dualistic society, rural older adults’ socioeconomic status and access to health resources and services are more likely to be worse than those of their urban counterparts [14]. In addition, pension system and health insurance benefits in rural China are less than those in urban regions [15-17]. Under such circumstances, rural older adults are more likely to rely on their family members as the main supportive source to meet their aging care needs [18-22]. However, with the rapid modernization and urbanization in China, millions of working-age adults left rural areas to work in cities, which significantly weakened the family support system in rural areas (e.g., instrumental support) [23]. In this case, the compensatory role of community social capital in promoting the well-being of rural older adults deserves particular attention. In other words, the development of community-based social capital policies and interventions in rural China can be a cost-effective strategy to promote life satisfaction in later life in these rural communities. This study aimed to fill a research gap by testing the interplay between community social capital and family social capital and their influence on life satisfaction among older adults in rural China.
Defining community social capital
Social capital provides opportunities for older adults to enhance their interpersonal interactions and social resources that are important for them to maintain their functional integrity and social roles in later life. Although critical sources of social capital vary across the life course, community and family are considered two major sources of social capital for older adults in rural Chinese communities. There is no consensus on the concept of community social capital and family social capital in the health research field [24-26]. Regarding community social capital, Robert D. Putnam conceptualized it as “features of social organization, such as trust, norms, and networks, that can improve the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated actions” [26]. From this collectivist perspective, community functions as a type of platform of social coordination and could promote collective interests for local residents through norms of reciprocity, a sense of belonging, and social trust. Furthermore, community social capital can be defined as important social resources based on individuals’ social networks [24]. Community social capital can be further conceptualized as cognitive and structural social capital [27]. The former refers to residents’ subjective appraisals—for example, whether they are willing to trust and help other members in the local communities, whether they frequently engage in reciprocity with their neighbors, and their feelings of belonging to the communities [28]. The latter refers to the objective measures, including the number of the residents’ organizational memberships and their participation in citizenship activities and volunteering activities [29].
Based on a systematic review, family social capital refers to shared social norms, cultural values, and reciprocity in family systems, which often are measured by the structure of the family network, family support, family interaction, and quality of relationships among family members [30]. For rural Chinese older adults, their traditional multigenerational living arrangement and family social capital have undergone great transitions due to rural-to-urban migration, modernization, and urbanization in the past few decades. Because millions of working-age rural adults left their hometowns to work in urban cities, community social capital might be more important in older rural adults’ lives by providing instrumental and emotional support, a sense of bonding, and meaning in life.
Community social capital and life satisfaction
Empirical evidence has shown that higher levels of community social capital were associated with better life satisfaction among older adults in East Asian countries and regions [31-34]. In particular, cognitive social capital was found to have higher impacts on life satisfaction than structural social capital, whereas the findings of previous studies on structural social capital and life satisfaction were mixed [27, 35, 36]. For example, a latent variable of social capital that included both social trust (i.e., an indicator of the cognitive dimension of social capital) and structural social capital indicators (e.g., social participation) was found to be significantly associated with life satisfaction among adults aged 65 or older in Gyeonggi Province, South Korea [32]. Using a global measure of social capital (i.e., social trust, social network, and social participation), a recent empirical study identified a significant relationship between social capital and life satisfaction among adults aged 80 or older in 14 villages of Jinhua, Zhejiang Province, China [33]. Furthermore, cognitive social capital, rather than structural social capital, was significantly associated with life satisfaction in the Chinese context [9].
Community social capital could enhance older adults’ life satisfaction through information sharing of health-related services and resources and the promotion of community service utilization [37, 38]. Better community social capital could also promote feelings of respect, appreciation, and caring. These factors were found to be significantly associated with older adults’ self-worth and self-esteem, which could further promote their life satisfaction [27, 39].
The moderating role of family social capital
As previously discussed, for older adults, family social capital and community social capital are two major sources that could improve their lives, and the two dimensions of social capital are closely related [40]. Given the crucial role of the traditional culture of Confucianism and filial piety in Chinese society, most older Chinese adults consider good-quality family relationships as a crucial indicator of meaning in life and put great emphasis on emotional and instrumental support from their adult children [41, 42]. Literature has showed that family social capital was positively associated with older adults’ subjective well-being outcomes, including life satisfaction [19, 30]. Given older rural Chinese adults tend to have lower socioeconomic status and receive less health care and public services than their urban counterparts, family social capital can be particularly important for older adults in rural China.
On the other hand, as previously discussed, the traditional family structure and support system have changed significantly: Millions of working-age adults moved from rural villages to urban regions for better income and employment, which means that many older rural adults have been left behind in rural areas. This rural-to-urban migration phenomenon has had a significant influence on the traditional multigenerational household structure and weakened its role in the aging support system in rural China. Although rural pension and health care systems have developed significantly since the early 2000s and reached comprehensive coverage in rural China, the benefits of these systems are still relatively low as compared with those of the urban systems [15, 16].
There are two competing hypotheses: The first is that community social capital could be particularly important for those with poor family social capital to sustain their well-being (including life satisfaction). The second is that older adults with poor family social capital cannot benefit from good-quality community social capital. The examination of the two hypotheses cannot ignore the surrounding social contexts. After all, social capital is a contextual factor that can be used to facilitate community service utilization and information transferring, rather than replace the function of community service and social infrastructure.
Regarding the former hypothesis, it could be valid in social contexts with a relatively advanced social welfare system and social infrastructure [43]. Regarding the latter hypothesis, it could be valid in developing countries and regions such as rural China. Given that social resources and welfare systems are still developing in rural areas of Northeast China, we hypothesized that family social capital would play a moderating role in the association between community social capital (including cognitive and structural social capital) and life satisfaction among older people living in rural Northeast China. Specifically, both cognitive and structural social capital would have greater effects on life satisfaction among older adults with relatively high levels of family social capital.