Over the last twenty years, the use and prevalence of Internet-based technologies have increased considerably. According to the Office of National Statistics (UK), in the first quarter of 2017 reported that 89% of adults in the UK had recently used the internet, with 99% of adults between the ages of 16 to 34 classed as being regular internet users (ONS, 2017). While the internet has many positive uses, such as social networking (Morahan & Schumacher, 2003), entertainment and access to information (Valkenburg & Soeters, 2001) and gaming (Koivisto & Hamari, 2014), a small proportion of individuals have been found to develop problematic behaviours with their use of the internet and are reporting that their lives have become unmanageable due to its use (Kuss & Pontes, 2018; King & Delfabbro, 2019).
Internet Addiction
Problematic internet use, referred to as Internet Addiction (IA), has been defined as a behavioural addiction involving the excessive use of online applications that negatively impact the lives of the affected individual (Kuss, Griffiths, Karila & Billieux, 2014). The global prevalence rates of internet addiction vary depending upon the screening instrument used (Mamun & Griffiths, 2019) and are reported to range in children and adolescents (aged 10 to 18 years) from 2% in Germany to 23% in Malaysia (Mueller, Dreier, Giralt, Beutel, & Woelfling, 2017; Azmi, Robson, Othman, Guan & Isa, 2019) and in the general adult population (aged 18 + years) from 1% in Germany to 6.3% in South Korea (Rumpf, Vermulst, Bischof, Kastirke, Gürtler, Bischof, ... & Meyer, 2014; Kim, Lee, Hong, Cho, Fava, Mischoulon, ... & Jeon, 2017). Considering these prevalence rates and the accessibility and affordability of the internet, it is inevitable that clinical professionals and specialists who provide psychological treatments are reporting an increasing number of clients with behaviours consistent with internet addiction (Kuss & Griffiths, 2014).
Young, Pistner, O’Mara and Buchanan 20 years ago were the first to propose a model to describe the aetiology of this problematic internet use. Referred to as the Accessibility, Control and Escape (ACE) model, it is argued that the accessibility of the internet itself provides an opportunity for an individual to seek out pleasurable experiences. In an attempt by the individual to escape from the normality of life and live out unattainable fantasies, that eventually leads to the establishment of maladaptive internet usage behaviour. Examples include online users seeking sexual gratification by viewing online pornography channels, using online gambling sites, playing online games and chatting through social media (Grubbs, Stauner, Exline, Pargament & Lindberg, 2015; Giotakos, Tsouvelas, Spourdalaki, Janikian, Tsitsika & Vakirtzis, 2017; Müller, Dreier, Beutel & Wölfling, 2016).
However, the model is not without its critics. Griffiths (1998) argued that the ACE model assumes the addictive behaviour is to the internet itself rather than the internet being the vehicle that provides an opportunity for an individual to engage in their addictive behaviour, e.g. gambling addicts using online gambling sites etc. Proposing that internet addiction does exist, but it does so only in a small minority of internet users and in those occurrences, the addictive behaviour should be classified like other substance-based addictions (Griffiths, 2000).
With the growing body of evidence from both clinical professionals and researchers supporting the classification of Internet Addiction as a disorder (Rumpf et al., 2018), the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual for Mental Disorders (DSM-5) in 2013 included Internet Gaming Disorder in its section on Emerging Measures and Models: Conditions for Further Study. The classification acknowledges that in the literature, ‘gaming disorder’ is synonymous with internet use disorder, gaming addiction or internet addiction. Similarly, the inclusion of ‘gaming disorder in the World Health Organisations’ diagnostic manual, the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11) in 2018 further recognises the condition as an impulse control disorder legitimising further investigation of the disorder by clinicians and researchers and prepares health professionals to prevent, identify and manage the condition (Rumpf et al., 2018).
Treatments
Psychological therapies for IAD are shown to be beneficial (Kuss & Lopez-Fernandez, 2016; Zajac, Ginley, Chang & Petrey, 2017), with cognitive-based psychotherapies shown to be effective in the treatment of IAD (Young, 2007; Young, 2013; Kaneez, Zhu, Tie & Osman, 2013).
Nevertheless, there is a significant number of reports of individuals whose symptoms have not benefited from using cognitive-based psychotherapies as a standardised treatment (Kottler & Shepard, 2007).
In particular, such treatments have been reported to be less effective with over-intellectualising and less assertive clients that may feel overwhelmed by the intellectual demands placed upon them by the therapist (Kottler et al., 2007). Critics have also pointed out practical barriers to treatment with the cognitive-based interventions requiring typically between eight and twenty-eight face-to-face therapy sessions (Roes, 2011; Kuss & Lopez-Fernandez, 2016). Placing a high financial burden on the client or healthcare provider and increasing the complication of managing the client’s motivation for change throughout the programme.
It is, therefore, fully justified to explore the use of a possible alternative psychological therapy to provide a comparably effective treatment to clients in instances where cognitive-based interventions have been less effective. Therefore, this article proposes that hypnosis-based therapies, such as hypnotherapy or hypno-psychotherapy, can be considered a viable alternative.
Hypnosis
The credibility and reputation of hypnosis as being an effective psychological intervention have had a mixed response from the mainstream therapy community, notably due to its practice historically associated with hysteria and entertainment (Large & James, 1991; Davis, 2015). However, contrary to this popular perception, a hypnosis session in a clinical context can be understood as involving a set of embedded procedures facilitating an interaction between the therapist and client that results in the desired behavioural change (Kirsch, 1999; Raz, 2011). In the UK, hypnotherapy is a recognised complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) therapy and has been included, for example, in the National Institute of Health & Care Excellence (NICE) guidelines for the management of IBS (2008). With evidence for the effectiveness of hypnosis for a wide range of physical and mental disorders such as pain control (Hawkins, 2001; Accardi & Milling, 2009), Irritable Bowel Syndrome (IBS) (Miller et al., 2015), anxiety disorders (Hammond, 2010; Ainsworth et al., 2009), depression (Alladin, 2007; Fuhr, Schweizer, Meisner & Batra, 2017) and stress disorders (Alizamar, Ifdil, Fadli, Erwinda, Zola, Churnia, ... & Rangka, 2018) to mention a few, and growing support by General Practitioners for the use of hypnotherapy as part of an integrative model of holistic care being offered to patients (Cox, De Lusignan & Chan, 2004; Marshall-Warren, 2006; Dixon, 2009), arguably hypnotherapy should be considered a practical standalone modality as well as a helpful adjunct by practitioners of other counselling and psychotherapy modalities.
Further, Accardi and Milling (2009) and Landolt and Milling (2011) suggest that teaching self-hypnosis to clients can provide cost-effective treatment for some conditions, reducing the need for regular face-to-face consultations. For example, Tan, Rintala, Jensen, Fukul, Smith and Williams (2015) explored the efficacy of self-hypnosis to benefit patients suffering from chronic back pain and found that a significant reduction in back pain intensity was reported in patients after just two sessions of self-hypnosis and listening to hypnosis recordings. Compared to eight face-to-face conventional hypnosis sessions required to achieve a similar significant reduction in pain intensity.
Amongst the physical and mental disorders that benefited from hypnosis, there is also evidence suggesting its usefulness as an intervention for substance addiction disorders such as drug addictions (Katz,1980; Hartman, 2010; Haghighi, Movahedzadeh, & Malekzadeh, 2016), alcohol addiction (Zebrin, 2015; O’Keefe, 2017), and nicotine addiction (Mohamed & ElMwafie, 2015; O’Keefe, 2017; Li, Chen, Ma, Wang, Wan, Wang, ... & Yang, 2019). With further evidence to support its use for behavioural addictions such as food addiction (Bo, Rahimi, Properzi, Regaldo, Goitre, Ponzo, ... & Abbate Daga, 2017) and sex addiction (Sastre, 2015) as well as reducing impulsiveness and cravings associated with the prevention of addiction relapse (Hashemi, Beheshti, B, & Alizadeh, 2017; Carmody, Duncan, Solkowitz, Huggins & Simon, 2017; Li et al., 2019).
With this body of evidence reporting the benefit to the clients’ in using hypnotherapy for addiction and impulse disorders, it is questionably unethical not to inform clients about this modality's effectiveness (Weisburg, 2008) for similar conditions such as IAD. Further, with Integrative Psychotherapy containing over 400 individual modalities ‘types’ (Zarbo, Tasca, Cattafi, & Compare, 2015), it is apparent that to meet the individual needs of the client, a psychotherapist should be converse and competently able to apply a number of these ‘types’. Questionably, ignoring the potential benefits of hypnotherapy can bring to the therapy space not only limits the effectiveness of the intervention given but arguably the overall efficiency of the therapist.
This paper, therefore, aims to review the current literature base for studies to answer the research question: Do hypnosis-based therapies provide an effective intervention for individuals diagnosed with Internet Addiction Disorder? The expected hypothesis is that hypnotherapy is an effective intervention for individuals diagnosed with IAD.