Loneliness can be defined as an unpleasant experience, occurring when the quantity or quality of a person’s social relationships is perceived to be deficient (1). In general, feelings of loneliness motivate people to strengthen their existing social relationships or to build new relationships, after which these negative feelings may diminish (2). However, for some people loneliness can become a chronic state. Persistent loneliness has been associated with negative outcomes for mental and physical health, such as depression, psychological distress, reduced self-esteem, cognitive impairment, functional decline, high blood pressure, cardiovascular diseases, and higher mortality rates (2–7). Based on data collected in the third round (2006-07) of the European Social Survey, Yang and Victor (8) found that the prevalence of frequent loneliness among European citizens aged 60 years and older varied between 19–34% in Eastern Europe, 10–15% in Southern Europe, and 3–9% in Northern Europe. The prevalence of frequent loneliness was highest among adults aged 80 years and older (8). Age-related changes and losses, such as deteriorating health, declining mobility, changing social roles, and the loss of a partner or friends have been associated with an increased susceptibility of loneliness in older age (4). International studies provide an overview of socio-demographic characteristics associated with increased overall loneliness among older adults, such as widowhood, living in disadvantaged socioeconomic circumstances and having a migration background (4, 9–12). However, few studies have distinguished between different dimensions of loneliness, such as emotional and social loneliness (3). In 1973, Weiss proposed that emotional loneliness is related to an absence of intimate attachments to other persons, whereas social loneliness is related to an absence of an engaging social network or a lack of social integration (13). Previous studies indicate that, despite being correlated, emotional and social loneliness can be recognized as distinct states affecting different groups of people (14–21). The distinction between emotional and social loneliness may be relevant for the development of intervention strategies to reduce loneliness. According to the theoretical framework of Weiss, emotional loneliness may only be alleviated by a new or recovered intimate relationship, providing a sense of attachment, and social loneliness may only be alleviated by (re-)entering a social network, providing a sense of social integration (13, 20). Many studies on the effects of intervention strategies did not report the impact on emotional and social loneliness (22). In their meta-analysis, Masi, Chen (22) found that interventions to increase opportunities for social interaction or enhance social support had relatively small effects on reducing overall loneliness, which may be because the specific causes of loneliness have not been taken into account (22). Perissinotto, Holt-Lunstad (23) suggested that many interventions to reduce loneliness focus on the establishment of new social contacts, while this may only be beneficial for people who experience loneliness due to a lack of social contacts (23). In the current study, we make a distinction between emotional and social loneliness because each dimension may require a specific intervention strategy. We will examine which groups of older adults are at risk of emotional and social loneliness. This provides insight into the potential target groups for intervention strategies addressing emotional and/ or social dimensions of loneliness. The following research question is answered: Which socio-demographic characteristics are associated with emotional and social loneliness among older adults? The study was conducted in The United Kingdom, Greece, Croatia, The Netherlands and Spain.