Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has been the epicentre of HIV transmission for decades now [1], accounting for about 70% of the 34.2 million people infected with HIV globally [2]. Young people, especially adolescent girls aged 15–24 years, are disproportionately affected by the pandemic and account for 34% of all new HIV infections representing a growing population in need of Sexual and Reproductive Health (SRH) services [3]. Estimates indicate that of the nearly 290,000 new HIV infections in Eastern and Southern Africa among young people aged 15 to 24 years old, two-thirds occurred among adolescent girls and young women (AGYW) [4]. While HIV-related deaths declined by 48% between 2005 and 2017, AIDS-related deaths among all adolescents and young people increased by 50% to approximately 55,000 deaths [5]. Young people’s vulnerability to HIV is compounded by a range of biological, behavioural, social, structural, and gender dynamics [6, 7]. Further, young people’s access to HIV and sexual and reproductive health (SRH) services is limited, and community stigma and human rights violations are widespread in SSA [5]. Predictors of sexual risk behaviours among young people in SSA include early marriages and sexual initiation for young girls which are forced and not voluntary, substance abuse, age at first sex, low parental education, peer influence, age-disparate relationships, punitive laws criminalising homosexuality which prevent young people from seeking treatment from health centres [8, 9], gender discrimination, and economic disadvantage [10, 11]. Given this, it is projected that new adolescent infections will increase by 13% annually leading to 3.5 million new infections by 2030 if interventions to address the drivers of HIV among young people are not scaled up [12]. Therefore, tailored HIV prevention programmes are essential in reversing the HIV epidemic among young people because they are contextual and can address structural factors that influence young people’s sexual risk behaviour [13].
For several decades, HIV prevention programmes have been developed and implemented in SSA to reduce vulnerabilities and sexual risk behaviour among young people [5].These include preventive education in schools such as comprehensive sexuality education [14], services offered at youth-friendly centres such as free condom distribution, counselling, HIV testing, and initiatives that enhance the utilisation of SRH services [15]. These have mainly focused on increasing levels of sexual health knowledge, abstinence, delaying sexual debut, increasing condom use and reducing the number of sexual partners, changing attitudes, improving access to sexual and reproductive health services, and enhancing sexual health efficacy [2].
Also, many individual level health promotion interventions that are based on existing theories of behaviour change have been used in developing, implementing, and evaluating behaviour change for HIV-related interventions [16].These interventions seek to understand the context of health-related behaviours and provide a theoretical framework for planning behaviour change programmes[17]. Because they have a theoretical foundation, theory-based interventions provide a basis for understanding how cognitive abilities predict sexual behaviour and are considered to be more efficacious than those that are not theory-based [13, 18]. Additionally, theory when used to inform behaviour change can aid in understanding factors influencing risky and safe sexual behaviour and can be effective in establishing principles and address the dynamics of behaviour change [19]. Besides providing theoretical underpinnings for behavioural interventions, behavioural theories can provide a framework for evaluating HIV prevention interventions [18]. However, reviews of individual level theory-based HIV interventions have revealed that the success of these models is constrained by their inability to explicitly consider high-level behavioural connections [20]. The common theories and approaches used in HIV interventions include the I-Change model (ICM) [21], the Social Learning /Cognitive theory (SCT), the Theory of Reasoned Action/Planned Behaviour (TRA/TPB), the Stages of Change (SoC), the Social Ecological Model (SEM), the Health Belief Model (HBM) [13], and positive youth development (PYD) [22]. SCT posits that there is a reciprocal influence between behavioural patterns and the surrounding environment, a phenomenon referred to as reciprocal determinism [23]. SCT emphasises efficacy expectations and outcome expectancies as influenced by the surrounding environment [10]. It assumes that behaviour is not simply the result of the environment and the person, just as the environment is not merely a function of the person and behaviour [13].
The HBM is a value expectancy theory used to predict health-seeking behaviour and has six main constructs [24]. It assumes that a person takes health-related action if that person believes that he/she is susceptible to the condition (perceived susceptibility), the condition has serious consequences (perceived severity), and that taking action would reduce their susceptibility to a certain condition (perceived benefits) and that these benefits outweigh the cost of taking action (Perceived barriers) and that action is taken more easily if the person is exposed to factors that prompt action (Cues to action) and is confident in his /her abilities to successfully act (self-efficacy) [13].
The TRA/TPB is an explanatory theory that postulates that a person's behaviour is determined by his/her intention to perform the behaviour. It asserts that behavioural intention is influenced by attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioural control [19, 25]. The SoC model stipulates that behaviour change is a continuous process and that an individual passes through five stages: pre-contemplation, contemplation, preparation, action, and maintenance [26]. The ICM model is an explanatory model which postulates that the effects of pre-motivational factors (Knowledge, behavioural cognisance, risk perception and cue) on behaviour, is mediated by motivational factors such as attitude, self-efficacy, social influence, and intention [21]. Because of the numerous theoretical constructs that exist and overlap in different models, the I-change model takes an integrated approach to behaviour change and offers a socio-ecological framework for understanding health behaviour [27].
Despite their effectiveness in understanding cognitive sexual health behaviour, HIV prevention interventions that are only based on cognitive behavioural theories have small and short-term effects because they do not consider the multiplicity of environmental and structural factors that drive sexual behaviour[10]. As such, recent literature supports a social ecological approach to understanding the multiple influences and predictors of risk sexual behaviours. The SEM posits that health seeking behaviour is shaped by an allay of structural factors other than those at an individual level [28, 29].
Important to note is the fact that sexual behaviour is a collection of several distinct behaviours [30], therefore, no single theory can address all these behavioural characteristics [13]. For instance, factors that influence sexual behaviour might be at community and structural levels, which can include gender discrimination and stigma, and existing health policies [29]. Hence, the planning of theory-based HIV interventions should be done following the type of behaviour being measured. Additionally, Michelsen et al. [13], assert that not all theories are suitable for all age groups of young people which can vary between their developmental stages. This can pose a great challenge in identifying attitudes and beliefs in young people who have not fully identified cognitive behaviours. As such, theory-based interventions should take a targeted approach and should be assessed for their suitability in assessing cognitive behaviour outcomes as influenced by one’s age, gender, and other personal characteristics [15].
As such, most interventions among young people in developed countries have taken an integrated approach to HIV prevention where positive youth development (PYD) programmes have been incorporated into existing theory-based interventions [31]. PYD is an approach to HIV prevention among young people which includes several programmes and policy initiatives that focus on building young people's skills and competencies [32]. PYD fosters youth agency through programmes such as education that enhance interpersonal skills. Unlike theory-based interventions which focus on single-problem behaviour, the concept of PYD takes a comprehensive approach to behaviour change and fosters a supportive environment to prepare young people for successful adulthood [33]. It is argued that because many behavioural problems have common predictors, measuring a single behavioural problem may not be efficacious in addressing the multi-determinism of sexual behavioural risk factors [22]. However, there is limited literature on the effects of positive youth development in reducing sexual risk behaviours among young people in low-income countries [33].
Considering this, this review seeks to provide a critical narrative synthesis and map evidence on the role of theory-based HIV and sexual health interventions in enhancing positive sexual outcomes and reducing risk factors among young people aged 10–24 years of age in Sub-Saharan Africa. The review will describe, contextualise and appraise various theory-based HIV prevention interventions regarding their efficacy in reducing sexual risk behaviours among young people. Additionally, the review will seek to establish the theoretical foundation of various HIV prevention interventions among young people in SSA.