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Residents living in mining communities near abandoned or partially restored coal mine areas are consuming plant species from these areas for food and medicinal purposes, which puts their food security at risk: almost a half of the plants cited were collected from mined areas, and 18 species were collected exclusively in these areas. The consumption of species that occur in mined areas was also reported in other regions of South America, as well as in the United States, Europe, India, and China [1,14,15,17,20,59]. Some of these species have been studied for their potential to bioaccumulate heavy metals, such as Psidium guajava, Morus sp., Baccharis crispa, Baccharis sarothroides, Mentha arvensis, and Cymbopogon flexuosus which bioaccumulate Al, Fe, Si, S, Ca, and Zn [36–38,60–62]. Location, duration of residence time, and perception of changes in the landscape were the main factors linked to citing more species obtained in contaminated areas.
Locality was the most important factor influencing the number of species cited (i.e., 77% of the 27% that explained the use of plant species from mined areas). Localities studied here are local communities settled originally to supply the coal mining economy with laborers to work in coal mines [23]. Over time, these mining communities developed bonds with their environment, learning about the plant resources available in each place, a behavior co-evolving with the available plant resources and influenced by expertise, and direct and continuous observation of the environment [63,64]. This behavior is also influenced by transformations in the social and cultural structures, policy systems, and spiritual beliefs [63,64]. Even though these environments present a low plant diversity [65], the mining communities adapted to use the available resources for their medicine and food purposes.
Besides, locality influenced species cited by the communities. This may be due to the high cultural diversity of peoples, including indigenous peoples such as Guarani and recent German, and Italian immigrants [66,67]. Santa Catarina, and other areas in the South and Southeast of Brazil, is culturally heterogeneous, which may affect plant knowledge and use. The influence of different cultures and the mixture of knowledge are combined and integrated in the most recent generations [68]. This cultural influence may have a greater weight than, for example, the resource availability itself in the environment [68,69]. The longer the time a person had resided in the area correlated with more species cited: older residents use a greater wealth of plant species, collected or planted, and they also perceive more changes in the landscape, both due to the length of time of living and learning in these environments [42,64].
Residents who observed changes in the landscape, both positive and negative, cited more species than those who did not notice changes. Even when residents noted that there was a decrease in plant resources and negative landscape changes in areas contaminated by coal mining, they cited the use of plants collected in these areas for their food and medication. However, we emphasize that since the categorization as “positive”, “neutral”, or “negative” was made a posteriori by the authors, these results reveal a broad and simplified view of what is considered as a perception of improvement (i.e., positive) or loss (i.e., negative) in the environment. Similar observations are reported by Silvano and Begossi (2016) [22], who found that although fishermen knew about mercury contamination in fishery resources, they continued to consume this resource. As well as some residents noticing negative changes in the environment due to mining, 85% of residents said they know about the contamination of the mined areas; however, they still collect and use plant species from these areas. This apparent paradox may be due to contaminants such as heavy metals being invisible, or due to psychological barriers [70,71].
Invisible contaminants are those that cannot be detected by human sensory abilities, i.e., cannot be seen, do not exude odor, taste, or sound [70]. Since they are not perceived, these contaminants can be unwittingly consumed and, in the case of heavy metals, for example, can impact human health causing neurological damages and metabolic disorders [39,70,72]. Psychological barriers, on the other hand, are when people are aware of environmental impacts, but do not act emphatically against them [71,73]. People tend to think of environmental impacts as futuristic and distant from their reality, associated with governments failing to present more effective strategies involving local people, and within a framework of contemporary cultural and social issues [71,74]. The social understanding of risk, such as food security risk, is built on views and beliefs associated with the social and cultural forces of each society or community [75]. The construction of this perception goes through a comparison stage. For a mining community to perceive the risk to their own food security, it needs to see that a similar situation was identified as a risk, in another community that is culturally, socially, and historically similar to its own [75,76].
No significant differences were observed in the group of species cited, and this can be due to the low diversity of plants available in mined areas. Few species can survive and develop in environments impacted by heavy metals [77]. The mining activity tends to result in more homogeneous environments, affecting the microbial and fungal diversity in the soil thereby affecting plant diversity [77,78], revealing the threat to the biodiversity of these environments.
We did not find a difference between species cited by women and men. This homogeneous distribution of knowledge across genders was also observed in other studies [45,47]. This may be related to the different social roles of each gender: men are the ones who work or worked in the mining areas, contributing to their knowledge of the plants that occur there. Even though women usually provide initial health care in communities and therefore have greater medicinal plant knowledge, in these localities men have a greater knowledge of the mined areas and of species found there, which seems to balance the knowledge of plant uses [47,48].
The use of plant species from areas contaminated by coal mining has also been observed in local communities in Europe; where these communities are among the most vulnerable to, and affected by, contamination of food resources [79]. Bolivia and other Latin American countries have warned of the risk to the food security of local communities near mined areas, primarily the consumption of fishery resources [19]. In China, foods that form the staple diet of local communities living near former coal mines (e.g., Oryza spp. and Camellia sinensis) are contaminated with heavy metals [80–83]. In Canada and the USA, rural and indigenous communities are twice as vulnerable to contamination of their food resources compared to the national average [84]. These communities have greater exposure to, and are in direct contact with, contaminating sources [13,84], a situation similar to that faced by mining communities in southern Brazil.
Lack of food security due to the consumption of contaminated fishing resources has been reported in local fishing and river communities from the south, southeast, and northeast coasts of Brazil, as well as by indigenous Amazon communities [13,22,85]. In recent decades, the global return of incentives for coal extraction has raised concerns about the food security of local communities [32]. Coal is currently responsible for providing 29.6% of global energy needs and about 42% of all global electricity [32,86]. The resurgence of coal mining may increase the contamination of areas previously mined for coal and add to the number of areas impacted by heavy metal contamination. In the far south of Brazil, children living in coal mined areas are at high risk of exposure leading to possible heavy metal poisoning [87]. For this reason, research that identifies whether there is use, and which species are being used for medicinal and food consumption in mined areas, is important to develop strategies aimed at guaranteeing the food security of mining communities.