Latvian respondents aged 67 + reported to be lonelier compared to their Icelandic counterparts. While both Latvia and Iceland have been affected by social isolation due to the COVID-19 pandemic, different levels of social isolation were found, with Iceland having lower social isolation compared to Latvia. Four in five elderly Latvian respondents experienced higher social isolation (80.7%), compared to around half of the proportion who felt lonely often or some of time (45%). Among Icelanders, social isolation was much lower compared to Latvians (42.7%), and also a considerably lower proportion felt lonely (30%).
The results indicated physical and mental health deterioration during the COVID-19 pandemic. Strong deteriorating effects on mental and physical health was found among both lonely Latvian and Icelandic respondents (Fig. 11). However, deterioration in health was stronger for more socially isolated Icelanders compared to Latvians (Fig. 12). We identified several outstanding factors lying behind our findings in both countries, besides potential impact of cultural, geographic, and population characteristics.
Women were generally lonelier compared to men, which is in line with findings in other studies [12]. Loneliness also tended to be more frequent among the oldest group (REF). Social isolation exists among both men and women in the studied age groups in both countries, but was higher among those who lived with a partner. Earlier studies have pointed out that partnership does not guarantee social connectedness, and can depend both on the quality of social contacts as well as access to social and community resources [9, 19].
Also, those with a lower level of education in Latvia were lonelier, but this difference related to education did not appear in Iceland. In Iceland, there was a difference in the frequency of social isolation in relation to employment status, where a lower percentage of those who felt isolated were employed. These results require further examination, as different methods and resources are needed when dealing with social isolation or loneliness.
Differences in loneliness and the levels of social isolation might partly be explained by the demographic factors. First of all, the respondents in the Icelandic sample were younger than Latvian respondents, and, thus, to a larger extent in the labour market. Furthermore, the population of Latvia is overrepresented by elderly women, and they are more often living in single-person households, which puts them at a higher risk for both loneliness and social isolation [17]. Only about 48% live with a partner in Latvia compared to 69% in Iceland. This proportion is found to be particularly high for lone elderly women in Italy, France, Spain, Hungary and Latvia, while it is lowest in the Nordic countries [32]. Thus, the risk of isolation, or, in other words, the share of women who have felt lonely, is rather high (53%) among elderly lone women in Latvia; more than twice that of the elderly women living in couples (see Fig. 11). The equal distributions across both genders at age 67 + and a higher proportion of cohabiting persons in Iceland also might explain the lower levels of loneliness and social isolation. Therefore, it is likely that increased loneliness might be explained by emotional and existential factors, i.e. the loss or absence of important relationships and the experience of not belonging to a group or family, especially for elderly women. Long-term exposure to either protective or risk factors can become stronger as individuals age [9], and those elderly single women in Latvia might run a higher risk of loneliness. In the two studied populations, the effects of social disconnection (neglect, strain, isolation) or connection (supportive, stable family environment) cannot be directly measured, but may affect the feelings of loneliness and social isolation in later life, and might be related to the community ties, culture and traditions. Further, a number of other important life transitions, like retirement, children leaving home, age-related health problems, widowhood, especially among older women, may result in disruptions or decreases in social connection, but not measurable in this study. Thus, more gender analyses are needed to study the most exposed groups, e.g. older single women who constitute the majority of the oldest population in Latvia. There is a need to pay special attention and possibly urgent action to assess the situation of these women. It is also worth noting that, although it can be assumed that age groups decrease with increasing age, this is not the case in Latvia, explained by a large group of women who are over 85 [33].
The absence of financial worries seemed to be a protective factor against loneliness, which can be explained by easier access to social and cultural activities that require financial resources. A small proportion of Icelandic senior citizens had financial concerns compared to Latvians. Again, this may be explained by the composition of the group, i.e. overrepresented by elderly women, and also by gender pay gap and a non-favourable social security system for women in Latvia. On the other hand, higher education was more common among less lonely persons in Latvia, implicating that not only the professional networks and higher income, but also cognitive functioning are significant interacting factors [34]. Those with wider social networks were generally less lonely, and the utilisation of new online communication platforms seemed to be a protective factor, as opposed to the use of a phone to communicate with relatives and friends, that did not seem to be a protective factor at all.
This situation also calls for a closer look at what factors in each country influence or can explain the situation of those who are not socially isolated or lonely - that is, the influencing factors of healthy ageing.
The long-lasting effect of COVID-19 on social isolation among the elderly is likely to be significant mostly for the Icelandic population, while the loneliness feelings were common for both Latvian and Icelandic elderly populations (Figs. 11 and 12). The pandemic has disrupted normal social activities and resulted in increased isolation for many older people, particularly those who are at higher risk for severe illness and death from the virus. This can lead to feelings of loneliness and depression, which can have a negative impact on overall health and well-being [8]. It is important for communities to work together to find ways to support older adults and reduce their social isolation during and after the pandemic. This can include offering virtual social opportunities, providing transportation to essential appointments and errands, and promoting regular communication and connection with friends and family.
In addition, efforts should be made to address the underlying factors that contribute to social isolation, such as access to technology, financial stability, and physical mobility.
It is important for communities to support and promote social engagement and connection among older adults. This can include providing opportunities for social activities, promoting intergenerational relationships, and addressing barriers to social participation, such as lack of transportation or financial security. By promoting social connection and addressing social isolation, we can support healthy aging for all individuals.
The results suggest that social isolation is a major factor in the loneliness of older people in both countries and supports previous findings that social isolation is a contributing factor and increases the risk of loneliness. Also, these results give a fairly clear picture that the social isolation of older people, both due to the COVID-19 epidemic and in general, is a subject that needs to be taken seriously because the increased risk of loneliness is a threat to the health and well-being of older people.
Limitations of the study
It can be complicated to compare manifestations of phenomena like loneliness and social isolation in different settings that represent both studied countries, and the diversity of phenomena definitions and measurements has posed a challenge. Comparing data from different databases in Latvia and Iceland which include similar questions but with different response alternatives can lead to methodological limitations. The measures used in the Latvian and Icelandic databases may not be equivalent or have the same level of validity and reliability. This can lead to differences in responses that are not true differences in attitudes or behaviours. For instance, a score of 5 on a scale used in Iceland might be equivalent to a score of 3 on a scale used in Latvia. However, both theoretical and statistical assumptions have been tested to make the scales comparable as much as possible.
The cultural, political, and economic context of Iceland and Latvia might also be different. Therefore, the way in which people answer the same question may differ based on context as well as the complex concepts of language. Although we selected respondents by age groups, the sampling methods in Latvia and Iceland might differ in terms of the size, representativeness, and methods used. This can lead to differences in the characteristics of the sample, and therefore differences in responses. Overall, comparing data from different databases in Latvia and Iceland should be done with caution, but much effort was made to ensure that the data is comparable and valid for a model fitting for both countries.