These baseline HRQoL results from children and adolescents participating in an intervention targeting low-income families indicate that they have good overall HRQoL, with scores broadly in line with normative data [14]. However, there were age and gender differences, as well as effects of immigrant background status.
A main study finding was the difference in HRQoL scores between participants with and without an immigrant background. The former reported significantly higher HRQoL than the latter on the dimensions of physical and psychological well-being, parents and autonomy, and school environment. Some earlier studies have indicated that a migration background can be a risk factor for health problems and low HRQoL [18, 28]. However, results have varied in the literature, with some studies indicating more similarities, and even higher mental health scores and HRQoL, among immigrant children compared with their nonimmigrant peers [29–32]. This variation has also been documented across ethnic groups [32]. In a German study, young children with an immigrant background reported higher HRQoL scores than did nonimmigrant children [33]. Though it assessed both children and adults, one previous Norwegian study reported lower use of specialist mental service among immigrants compared with nonimmigrants [34]. Likewise, a recent study from Germany showed that children with low SES, low parental education, and a migrant status reported significantly lower HRQoL than did children without an immigrant background [35]. These inconsistencies suggest that such relations are highly complex.
The HRQoL differences between nonimmigrant and immigrant children from low-income families herein may be related to methodological challenges, including problems with survey completion. However, differences may also be related to levels of family complexity [36]. Previous research has indicated that poverty can last across generations and that family characteristics can affect children over time, such as poor-quality parenting related to economic stress or parental health problems [6]. Children with a nonimmigrant background who grow up in poor families may therefore inherit less favorable family environments and experience more stigma related to their family situations [37, 38]. It should be noted that most families participating in our study that have a nonimmigrant background also have at least one parent who is unable to work for different reason, such as health problems and disability. Moreover, Norway may be considered particularly welcoming to immigrants compared with the hostility they may face in many other countries. Another potential explanation for HRQoL differences may be that adolescents with an immigrant background experience less pressure from social referencing [39].
Herein, the HRQoL results are in line with those of a recent study of adolescents from the general population in the same region of Norway [40]. We also found that younger children reported higher HRQoL than did older children, consistent with earlier findings that HRQoL is associated with age (i.e., older children report lower HRQoL than younger children) and gender (boys report higher HRQoL than girls) [18, 23, 41]. In general, our study participants had HRQoL scores close to the normative data on most dimensions. However, some participants had lower HRQoL than the European norms—especially on the physical and social support dimensions. This is in line with a recent study from the Netherlands showing that children born into poverty have low physical HRQoL [42]).
Herein, the lowest HRQoL scores were reported by the older children (12–18 years) on the physical well-being dimension, which was also more prevalent in girls than in boys. The physical well-being dimension explores children’s perceptions of their physical activity, health, and vitality [14] so that low scores indicate more impaired physical functioning. Children from poor families are more likely to develop a variety of health conditions. Unstable, low family income can lead to increased stress in the family and a lack of predictability [38]. In a systematic review, different mechanisms relating child poverty to health and well-being highlighted the importance of access to both material and social resources and child reactions to stress-inducing conditions [38]. The chronic stress of living in poverty can cause toxic stress [43], to which children may respond when they experience the accumulated burdens of family economic difficulties without adequate support [37, 44]. Children may express stress as complaints like headache and feeling in poor health [18, 45]. This stress experience, over time, may partly explain their low physical dimension score herein.
Our results also show that children who participate in leisure activities report higher physical well-being dimension scores than those who do not. This corresponds with previous studies [46, 47], including a recent report on schoolchildren from a socioeconomically deprived area of England among whom there was a positive association between participation in leisure activities and HRQoL [46]. These findings support the positive link between leisure activity engagement and HRQoL, though causality remains unclear.
Strengths and limitations
The main study strength was its recruitment of children from low-income families who are less likely to participate in research and community programs, thereby describing an often-underrepresented population. We also recruited children with and without an immigrant background, using a validated HRQoL instrument. The findings should nevertheless be interpreted within the context of its limitations. First, its cross-sectional design disallows deducing causal relations, thus longitudinal follow-up will be valuable. Second, 2006 European KIDSCREEN reference norms may be dated.