Demographics
A total of 265 micronarratives were included in our analysis and Table 1 presents the demographic characteristics of participants. The mean age and SD of our population was 25.77 ± 6.73. A majority of participating pregnant migrants/refugees already had at least 1 child (64%), and while most were married (52%), there were also many single parents (single/never married=42% and divorced=4%). Most participants noted that their socio-economic status was poor (57%) or average (27%). The 265 participants were from different parts of Venezuela. The most common locations were: Bolívar (17%), Anzoátegui (12%), Aragua (6%), La Guaira (3%), and Caracas D.F. (10%).
Table 1 – Demographic Information
|
Boavista
|
Huaquilla
|
Lima
|
Manuas
|
Manta
|
Tumbes
|
Tulcán
|
Tacna
|
Pacaraima
|
Total
|
Sample Size (N)
|
48
|
58
|
6
|
18
|
44
|
9
|
34
|
12
|
36
|
265
|
|
26.1 ± 8.19
|
29.0 ± 5.38
|
28.3 ± 5.95
|
28.4 ± 8.89
|
25.1 ± 6.24
|
24.4 ± 7.93
|
44.8 ± 6.69
|
38.7 ± 6.22
|
34.1 ± 5.84
|
25.77 ± 6.73
|
Number of children, n (%)
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
0
|
2 (4%)
|
4 (7%)
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
1 (11%)
|
2 (6%)
|
1 (8%)
|
9 (25%)
|
19 (5%)
|
1-2
|
24 (50%)
|
41(71%)
|
6 (100%)
|
12 (66%)
|
28 (64%)
|
7 (78%)
|
21 (62%)
|
9 (75%)
|
21 (58%)
|
169 (64%)
|
3 or more
|
22 (46%)
|
12 (21%)
|
-
|
6 (34%)
|
16 (36%)
|
1 (11%)
|
11 (32%)
|
2 (17%)
|
4 (11%)
|
74 (30%)
|
Prefer not to say
|
|
1 (1%)
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
2 (6%)
|
3 (1%)
|
Marital Status,
n (%)
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Married
|
35 (74%)
|
26 (45%)
|
2 (33%)
|
14 (78%)
|
16 (36%)
|
5 (56%)
|
15 (44%)
|
8 (67%)
|
18 (50%)
|
139 (52%)
|
Divorced
|
3 (6%)
|
1 (2%)
|
-
|
2 (11%)
|
-
|
2 (22%)
|
1(3%)
|
1 (8%)
|
1 (3%)
|
11 (4%)
|
Single
|
10 (20%)
|
29 (51%)
|
3 (50%)
|
2 (11%)
|
27 (61%)
|
2 (22%)
|
18 (53%)
|
3 (25%)
|
17 (47%)
|
111 (42%)
|
Prefer not to say
|
-
|
2 (3%)
|
1 (17%)
|
-
|
1 (3%)
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
4 (2%)
|
Relative Wealth,
n (%)
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Very Poor
|
13 (27%)
|
6 (10%)
|
2 (33%)
|
3 (17%)
|
4 (9%)
|
-
|
3 (9%)
|
-
|
6 (17%)
|
37 (14%)
|
Poor
|
25 (52%)
|
42 (72%)
|
2 (33%)
|
5 (3%)
|
25 (57%)
|
5 (56%)
|
26 (76%)
|
3 (25%)
|
17 (47%)
|
151 (57%)
|
Average
|
10 (21%)
|
9 (15%)
|
2 (33%)
|
10 (56%)
|
13 (30%)
|
4 (44%)
|
5 (15%)
|
9 (75%)
|
10 (28%)
|
72 (27%)
|
Wealthy
|
-
|
1 (1%)
|
-
|
-
|
1 (2%)
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
1 (0.3%)
|
Prefer not to say
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
1 (2%)
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
3 (8%)
|
4 (2%)
|
Length of Displacement,
n (%)
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
<1 year
|
23 (48%)
|
13 (21%)
|
2 (33%)
|
3 (17%)
|
1
|
5 (56%)
|
18 (52%)
|
1 (8%)
|
26 (72%)
|
98 (37%)
|
1-3 years
|
16 (33%)
|
36 (65%)
|
|
12 (66%)
|
18 (41%)
|
3 (33%)
|
10 (30%)
|
3 (25%)
|
4 (11%)
|
102 (38%)
|
3-5 years
|
9 (19%)
|
9 (15%)
|
4 (64%)
|
3 (17%)
|
16 (36%)
|
1 (11%)
|
6 (18%)
|
8 (67%)
|
4 (11%)
|
60 (23%)
|
>5 years
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
3 (7%)
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
3 (1%)
|
Prefer not to say
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
2 (6%)
|
2 (1%)
|
Venezuela Home,
n%
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Bolívar
|
19 (40%)
|
2 (3%)
|
1 (16%)
|
4 (22%)
|
-
|
-
|
1 (3%)
|
-
|
18 (50%)
|
45 (17%)
|
Anzoátegui
|
12 (25%)
|
4 (7%)
|
-
|
1 (6%)
|
2 (5%)
|
-
|
4 (12%)
|
2 (16%)
|
8 (22%)
|
33 (12%)
|
Aragua
|
1 (2%)
|
7 (12%)
|
1 (16%)
|
1 (6%)
|
2 (5%)
|
1 (11%)
|
3 (8%)
|
1 (8%)
|
-
|
17 (6%)
|
La Guaira
|
-
|
2 (3%)
|
1 (16%)
|
-
|
2 (5%)
|
1 (11%)
|
1 (3%)
|
1 (8%)
|
-
|
8 (3%)
|
Caracas D.F.
|
-
|
4 (7%)
|
-
|
-
|
14 (31%)
|
1 (11%)
|
4 (12%)
|
3 (26%)
|
1 (3%)
|
27 (10%)
|
Other
|
16 (33%)
|
39 (68%)
|
3 (50%)
|
12 (66%)
|
24 (54%)
|
6 (67%)
|
21 (62%)
|
5 (42%)
|
9 (25%)
|
135 (50%)
|
Health issues (Yes%)
|
3 (6%)
|
2 (3%)
|
1 (17%)
|
2 (11%)
|
0
|
2 (22%)
|
3 (9%)
|
0
|
2 (6%)
|
15 (6%)
|
Did the micronarrative mention contraception?
(%Yes)
|
2 (4%)
|
3 (5%)
|
0
|
1 (5%)
|
4 (9%)
|
0
|
0
|
1 (8%)
|
7 (19%)
|
18 (7%)
|
* Health issues = disability, depression, alcohol use
Our qualitative analysis revealed 4 main themes: (1) xenophobia while trying to access pregnancy care, (2) violence experienced during migration, (3) lack of shelter, resources and financial support, and (4) travelling with the hopes of a better future.
Theme 1 – Xenophobia when trying to access pregnancy related medical care
There were many instances of xenophobia and humiliation described in the micronarratives. In fact, many women experienced xenophobic behavior from healthcare workers such as racial slurs and had trouble accessing adequate pregnancy care upon arrival to their destination countries.
“The doctor always treated me badly, I heard him call me ‘Veneca’ , I asked them to stop this but they didn’t listen to me either. They told me that I was only good at complaining and that all of us ‘Venecas’ came to have children here to have a visa…Many people may not be affected by those comments, but they made me feel very bad, I even felt guilty for being pregnant and that I did not deserve to be pregnant in Ecuador, it was very difficult.” [Huaquillas, Ecuador, 27-years-old, 16866 SID]
Pregnant women were treated badly in healthcare settings because the staff and administration sometimes shared biased beliefs that all Venezuelan women were only in their country to give birth to their children and thereby claim citizenship. They are often referred to as “Veneca” which is a racial slur against Venezuelans. Participants also described experiences where healthcare staff treated them with hostility.
“I had to go through a very difficult situation in a clinic… despite the fact that I went with the money to give birth, they did not want to attend to me, they told me that people like me only came to give birth here to obtain nationality illegally and steal. They looked at me with the utmost contempt as if I were garbage.” [Huaquillas, Ecuador, 35-years-old, 16866 SID]
The xenophobia experienced from healthcare workers sometimes put women at risk of life-threatening situations, exacerbated their vulnerability and affected the quality of health care received. Many narratives described medical negligence which harmed their child and themselves.
“I had an early miscarriage…the trip I took caused me harm…After finally arriving here, I felt a lot of pain and I started bleeding. They called an ambulance and it took me to a maternity ward…When I got there, they took me to the Emergency unit, but the doctor and the nurse treated me very badly. They checked and had blood on their fingers and concluded that nothing was wrong with me…They asked me to stand up and did not help me at all. I was in too much pain. It was hard for me to stand, it was hard for me to walk, it was hard for me to do everything, and they didn’t help me at all… And they said nothing was wrong with me that I should leave. I continued bleeding, and they practically did not attend to me.” [Boavista, Brazil, 23-years-old, 21230 SID]
Theme 2 – GBV Experienced During Migration
Pregnant women faced violence and cruelty during migration in their destination countries, including verbal abuse, sexual abuse, and physical assaults with some being extreme enough to cause miscarriages. These violent experiences were most often unprovoked and led to humiliation and shame. Fear is common during migration and it was magnified for pregnant women because they worried about their child’s safety and well-being as well.
“Arriving in Colombia I was eight months pregnant with my baby. I was with my nephew and son. As we were coming down from one of the buses, people started throwing stones at us and one of these stones fell on my belly and another fell on my son…Thank god my nephew was not hurt but one hit my son and hurt his little head. My belly was hit but thank God nothing happened to me but my son has a scar on his forehead. They started shouting that they want Venezuelans out of their country, that they don't want Venezuelans here” [Huaquillas, Ecuador, 26-years-old, 21293 SID]
Women shared stories of sexual violence they experience during their migratory journey from men who were in positions of power such as police officers and employers. Women often experienced barriers to accessing abortions for these unplanned pregnancies and as a result, many faced mental health and physical challenges. Women were also blackmailed to perform sexual acts through withholding pay, causing fear and anxiety of being fired with no financial support. Intimate partner violence was also common. Many women relied heavily on their partners for emotional and physical support. They described the fear for their unborn child during these altercations.
“When I tried to cross the border to Ecuador, the Ecuadorian police officers were offering to let me cross the border if I had sex with them or I had to give them a certain amount of money that I didn’t have…When I arrived at Peru, the Peruvian police offered me the same. They grabbed me and took me to a room. They had a little carpet there and they wanted to sexually abuse me. I started screaming and myself and another person there were able to escape from them. We waited until late at night and were able to crossover to Peru. When we were going through the desert to Arica in Chile, we were received and mistreated by the army, we tried to escape at night and the same night the marines did the same things to us. They told us that the Peruvians or Chilean will not help us because we are ‘shitty’ migrants, that we are very useless, and we arrive at the countries to mine their economy, stability, and country in general. When I arrived in Chile I found out that I was pregnant… I was released from the job I got in Chile because I was pregnant. When I tried to cross again to get to Tacna, the police and Carabineros (Chilean law enforcement agents) started to mistreat me even when I told them that I was pregnant. They pushed me, they mistreated me, they insulted me with a lot of nasty names… I arrived at Tacna, the Peruvian police extorted me. I told them I was pregnant and nonetheless they took my bags and they said I had to give them all the money I have. They collected 120 dollars from me” [Tacna, Peru, 27 years-old, 16265 SID]
“In 2021 I re-entered before giving birth, again with the hope that I would do well this year. When I arrived here, I had a hard time getting a job. I did not find anything, and the places that would offer me a job, my bosses blackmailed me so that I would have sex with them, or they would not pay me.” [Manta, Ecuador, 22-years-old, 15692 SID]
Theme 3 – Lack of Shelter, Resources and Financial Support
Many pregnant women described the difficulties getting to their destinations after weeks of travel only to find no shelter and/or food available in the host community. It was common for participants to sleep on the streets when they initially arrived and they were usually hungry with no food or money. Shelters were often either unavailable due to lack of infrastructure and social support systems or the existing shelters were full. Other times the shelters were unsafe for women due to the risk of sexual or physical violence occurring in them.
“When I arrived from Venezuela, I was eight months pregnant. I came with my seven-year-old son and my husband. We went through many hardships, we were robbed, they took our money, we had nothing to eat…In the journey we experienced lots of rain, lots of insects. We had nowhere to stay.” [Manaus, Brazil, 33-years-old, 17282 SID]
“I arrived here walking while pregnant, it was a tough experience because we slept on the street. We went for days without eating.” [Tulcán, Ecuador, 33-years-old, 22679 SID]
Lack of shelter caused significant distress. Pregnant migrants/refugees not only had to worry about their own well-being but that of their children and unborn children as well. Without safe shelter, women were forced into unsafe environments, which created fear and anxiety. These emotions were sometimes heightened by rumours of children being stolen and women being kidnapped and mistreated on the streets.
“I was 7 months pregnant and had to make the journey here to Pacaraima. I stayed on the street with my two children. Sleeping on the street, on a mat. From there we stayed in the road network and we got a tent to sleep in…we really didn't have anywhere to stay…we didn’t have money, we had nothing for ourselves. It was dangerous because suddenly people would arrive to set up tents at night. I was afraid because I heard stories about children being stolen. I slept there with one eye open. I came to PTRIG, and thank God I was given shelter.” [Boavista, Brazil, 35-years-old, 22975 SID]
Financial concerns were also commonly expressed, with many women finding themselves in a new country with nowhere to sleep and no money to take care of themselves or their children. They described the difficulties of obtaining and keeping a job while pregnant. A few women who were employed found that they were paid less and treated differently because of their pregnancy. This resulted in a lot of emotional distress and physical hardship. Women described sleeping on the streets and going hungry for an extended period of time because it was also difficult to find work in host countries. In many stories women also raised concerns about having no option other than to engage in sex work in order to support themselves and their families.
“ I came to Lima with my 2 year old son and I was pregnant with Vere. I couldn’t get a job and we had to return to Ecuador. But we couldn't find work there either; what we did was beg and sleep on the street. They called my husband to come back to Lima for a job interview. We really went through a lot of hardships. We went hungry, slept in the street, were cold, we spent a whole day walking with the children.” [Lima, Peru, 22-years-old, 14780 SID]
“My biggest fear was having to prostitute myself to be able to eat because I left with little money from there and unfortunately my fear came true because we ran into bad people, they wanted to charge me double because I was 5 months pregnant.” [Huaquillas, Ecuador, 27-years-old, 16354 SID]
“I have been in Peru for one year and I got pregnant and did not retire from my job because I needed to earn money for rent, food and sending money to Venezuela. And at the place where I worked, they lowered my salary when they realized I was pregnant.”[Lima, Peru, 26-years-old, 16260 SID]
Theme 4 – Travelling with hopes for a better future
Many pregnant participants described how the physical and emotional hardships of migration were worth it due to the possibility of a better future for their families. They discussed the complicated situation in Venezuela that they were leaving behind in hopes of providing their children with a better quality of life. Additionally, many women described their hopes of going to a new country where their children would be able to pursue opportunities such as education that were not possible in Venezuela.
“We are a family of 4 people. We came here to Brazil because of the many difficulties in Venezuela. In my case, when I came to Brazil, I was seven months pregnant. That was one of my strongest reasons for coming to Brazil. In Venezuela there is no possibility of a pregnant woman to work or have things for her baby. We decided to come here for a better future for our children and for the baby on the way. It was not easy at all, but the effort was worth it.” [Manuas, Brazil, 35-years-old, 21516 SID]