Humans’ functions in realm of space. That is, they interact with materials in specific spaces. To that end, most archaeological inquiries entail the study of relationship between materials and space (Gillings et al., 2020). The presence of materials therefore gives significance and context of archaeological interpretation. Baumanova (2016) notes that spatial considerations are paramount while contextualizing built environments in archaeological record. This trajectory is deeply rooted in archaeology as discipline. Initially, cultural historical archaeologist employed spatial considerations in examining cultures of the past. New archaeology employed the same techniques to examine human behaviors which were explored in terms of how they were portrayed through distribution of materials (Binford, 1965; Clarke, 1977). While post processual demonstrated how space should be examined to minimize generalizations associated with the previous two school of thoughts. That is space is conceptualized as active agent in social organization with functional and symbolic meanings (Tilley, 1994). Therefore, in the last few decades, spatial analysis has been employed in household archaeology and overall interrogation of built environments.
This study employed the same strategy of spatial analysis while interrogating data excavated from Gede archaeological site. Essentially there was attempts in this study to reconstruct social relationships of Gede archaeological site using material distributions. That is, examining spatial distribution of materials including buildings in order to infer social relationships that existed in the city. Notable buildings include “the palace” which is biggest structure in Gede city and has been hypothesized to have political and social significance (Kirkman, 1963). Archaeological evidence shows that the palace was also expanded through time which could have been in correspondence with city demands as dictated by commerce requirements. Kirkman (1974) suggested that the Palace was used by the Sultan of Malindi hence making Gede an extension of Malindi City State.
Baumanova and Smejda (2017) drawing from ethnographic data of Swahili speculates that the palace may have been owned by one of the affluent families of the time. As I have argued elsewhere (see Muthegethi, 2023) social organization of Palace depicts more of complex house rather than a palace. The architectural designs that included expansion entailed extra rooms which would have served as a “hotel” for foreign merchants as documented by Ibn Battuta concerning Mogadishu (Matveiev, 1984). Nonetheless, presence of courts in the palace and conspicuous tomb depicts political importance of the Palace. Interestingly, the houses built in this area where palace is located seems to have private wells and gendered toilets which is a contrast with other parts of the city. LaViolette (2008) has argued that overtime, Swahili society deviated from hinterland communities through insistence on Islamic values and cosmopolitanism.
The emphasis on Islamic values could have influenced later expansion of Gede city where private wells are more common. That is, Islamic values of cleanness especially while considering foreign traders who were mainly Muslims were hosted in private houses (Matveiev, 1984). The implication was for merchants to replicate their houses with Islamic ideals including hygiene (Muthegethi, 2023). Therefore, Gede City state just like other Swahili City states went through transformation and complexity that was characterized by urban life and Islamic values which had an overall impact on social organization of the city. The urban life has direct impact on social organization especially division of labor. I argue that, the elaborate division of labor and some Islamic ideologies would have led to development of gender specific artisan spaces. The implication would include industries that were ran by men or women in Gede. Therefore, separations of economic activities guaranteed women a social space where they could pursue wealth accumulation strategies by starting industries to supply goods for urban population as well as regional and international markets.
Also, commercialization of households as they acted as “hotels” for foreign traders and urbanization led to contention of new economic opportunities along gender lines. These contentions led to re-organization of gendered roles and commercialization of some of gendered activities such as pottery manufacturing, metal working, beads making among other activities (Muthegethi, 2023). Also, some knowledge including cotton spinning as documented by Portuguese writers in Kilwa was probably practiced in other city states including Gede Where numerous spindle whorls have been excavated (Pawlowinz,2019). Besides, international trade, Portuguese sources noted how iron objects were exported from Malindi to regional markets including Zanzibar (Matveiev, 1984). In fact, the archaeological evidence shows several smelting areas in areas associated with commoners (Pawlowicz, 2019). Also, the proximity of Gede to Malindi and presence of iron smelting evidence highly suggested that some of the artisan class included manufacturing goods for regional trade especially iron.
Chami (1994) notes how iron working was a major economic activity in Eastern Africa. Archaeological evidence shows how in the beginning of new era, there was numerous iron smelting sites which indicates industrial production in East Africa that stretched from East Africa coastal region to lacustrine regions in present day Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda (Chami,1994). I argue, that commercialization of iron production created new spaces which were contested along gendered lines in East Africa. The implication is that in the subsequent eras, as more activities were transformed from subsistence to commercial purposes there was re-organization of societies especially on gender as a category. Local communities were inclined to surplus production as a trade incentive. This trajectory of commercial production required intensive labor such as supply of wood for iron smelting and more blacksmiths. Inevitably, this transformation from subsistence iron production to commercial ushered class systems and elaborate division of labor. Thus, these changes may have formed the early cases of class system and complexity observed in Swahili city states. Chami and Mapunda (1997) observed that romans era high value beads were excavated near Rufiji River in an area associated with blacksmithing. The implication is that iron smithing was lucrative business that enabled people t consume exotic foreign materials at the time.
Wynn-Jones (2016) notes that Swahili civilization was characterized in part by production and consumption of various goods and services. The Swahili city states maintained complex trade networks at the local, regional and international levels. These networks recognized constant production and consumption of various products. At the local level, urban community needed constant supply of food from immediate villages and beyond. On the other hand, other products from artisans were required for urban life. I argue that, urbanism created a conducive environment for the rise of artisan class as Swahili City states transitioned from subsistence driven economies to mercantile societies. Crucially, these objects produced by artisans acted as agency for advancing social ideologies including gender identities in Swahili City states. Gell (1998) opines that social organizations are objectified hence presented in material form. The artisans navigated the social landscape through materials they produced. In the case of women artisan, some of the products they produced such as pottery were basic products across social classes. The demand for ceramics, therefore, gave women more social space for maneuverability which they employed to pursue social capital.
Written records shows that Kilwa urbanization process intensified and it became a route for ships moving from Aden to Madagascar (pollard and Ichumbaki,2017). The archaeological evidence correlates these written sources where there is appearance of sophisticated stone houses in Kilwa around 1300 CE. Kilwa, besides it being a route to Madagascar, it was a link between Sofala and the list of the Indian ocean trade routes where gold was from the interior of Africa was channeled. The Kilwa chronicles notes that Kilwa became an important gold supply chain which was initially located in Mogadishu (Middleton and Horton,2000). The implication was intensification of urbanization which was characterized by elaborate urban culture. The urbanization process meant a need for creation of supply for food and resources for urban life hence offshoot of agricultural and fishing communities on the outskirts of Kilwa (Wynne-Jones,2005). Importantly, there was growth of industrial activity in Kilwa as manifested in archaeological record. Empirical evidence shows that Sofala was supplied by cloths, beads and silk from Mombasa, Kilwa and Mombasa.
Overall, Gede archaeological site archaeological evidence shows various forms of specialization that were commercialized. The specialization was metal working, pottery making, beads manufacturing, cotton spinning, service industry, fishing which were anchored on their mercantile economy. The implication was a creation of spaces which were occupied based on individual’s identities including gender, religion, social status and probably ethnicity. To that end, the distribution of those specialized activities in Gede suggest that geographical spaces were divided into regions where certain activities were carried out. Pawlowicz (2019) points out how Gede archaeological evidence shows variations in materials distributions which could explain spatial specialization based on identities of communities. I argue that social identities is also indicative of social variations in Gede archaeological site.
This Gede industrial complex was located in an area which would be assumed to have been inhabited by commoners (Pawlowicz, 2019). In the past, there was a tendency to describe Swahili civilization classes in binary terms of elites and commoners. This notion assumed that stone houses were dominated by elites while wattle and daub houses by the commoners (Wynn-Jones, 2018). This essentialist description of classes often failed to consider class diversity that existed in areas associated including middle class (Muthegethi, 2023). Horton (1996) notes of existence of artisan class in areas that can be described to belong to commoners in Songa Mnara; Vumba Kuu and Shanga Mnara. In Gede, Koplin excavation revealed wealth difference in wealth among wattle and daub dwellers (Pawlowicz, 2019). The industrial complex fits on the areas describe by Horton (1996) of an artisan community that was well of and concentrated on manufacturing of goods.
As noted in other Swahili city states, Gede settlement patterns were reflective of social classes. Besides, social classes, Gede spatial distribution of structures was reflected of different social categories of the society. For instance, mosques represented the religious aspect of the society. Through employing the same principle of associating materials and spaces with social function, I hypothesized that the area I excavated as an industrial complex. This is what has been hypothesized by as evidence of presence of artisan class (Horton, 1996). Furthermore, the materials excavated from this area can be described as a space associated with women (Muthegethi, 2023). This does not mean segregation but activities which were carried out by women as they were fully integrated in Gede mercantile economy.
Askew (1999) study on gender identities of Swahili communities from 15th century to recent past showed that women segregation was a recent phenomenon. In the past, women were integrated in almost all areas of Swahili society including economic and political institutions. Ntarangwi (1998) while examining symbolic expressing of gender identities noted women were not segregated in the past in relations to Islamic doctrine. While drawing evidence from music and performances he demonstrated that gendered spaces were contested by both men and women in the past. These findings correspond with Gede society where public investments in architecture shows investment in women amenities. Gede for example, public court, gendered washrooms in public spaces and portioned mosques demonstrates how women were incorporated in public life while observing Islamic values of expressing gender.
Since, Gede was a mercantile society, attempts were made to march ideals of their foreign traders who were mainly Muslims. As Matveiev (1984) observed expressing Islamic values was important in commerce along Swahili coast. For example, Islamic values advocated for fair business transactions where there were agents who checked if these fair practices were followed during transaction. Islam had a commercial benefit to the locals as it gave them an advantage as they hosted foreign merchants (Ichumbaki and Pollard,2021; Muthegethi,2023). Kusimba (1999) argue being converted to Islam meant close economic and social networks with other Muslim in different cities and regions. Nonetheless, I argue that Islamic values in this case were perceived as ideal and often different from reality.
The implication was that attempts were made to implement separation of gender especially in public spaces (See Muthegethi,2023). These attempts were probably made in order to make foreigners more comfortable during their stay and business transactions. However, they did not limit women participation in Gede mercantile economy since their culture was a hybrid of Islam and indigenous culture. As archaeologically observed in construction of mosques and tombs, the Islam that was practiced in Gede and elsewhere was a hybrid that incorporated Swahili culture. To that end, women were present in areas where economic, religious and political activities were taking place. Most importantly, they were not there as passive but active with their own spaces where they made decisions and participated in Gede mercantile economy. The implication in that they were active in public life which is a contrast with some of the contemporary Islamic Swahili societies.
Gede women contested for new spaces in the new frontiers that were opened by up by intensification of trade, urbanization and diversification of subsistence strategies. The intensification of trade led to commercialization of households with implication on how gender identities were expressed (Muthegethi, 2023). The implication was extension of commercial activities from public spaces to private homes. The incorporation of household individuals in commercial activities where the houses acted as hotels as well as where some of the business transactions were negotiated automatically elevated women to the center of such activities. I argue that these changes led to empowerment of women as they occupied new spaces in manufacturing and service industries that were created by re-organization of Gede society. As such commodification of beads production, pottery making, food supply and metal working are notable new frontiers that were created by mercantile Gede economy.in the next section, I discuss bead making women activities and demonstrate how they used this industry to create wealth and influence of Gede society.
Beads Making
Beads making has been documented as one of the major economic activities in Swahili coast region. Numerous beads grinders have been discovered in different archaeological sites along the coast. Baužytė et al (2023) notes that the largest beads grinders discovered at East Africa coast were found in Tumbe, Tanzania with evidence of other activities like iron smithing and extensive farming networks. These grinders which were more than three thousand in Tumbe were used in production of shell beads. The high number of beads production shows industrial complex that existed at the Swahili coast during the period. Most importantly, the importance of beads as a trading item is obvious from thus surplus production of Tumbe. Ichumbaki and pollard (2021) notes presence of high percentage of grinders in Kaole village, Tanzania which indicates an industrial complex in the area. Horton (1996) argues that beads were traded with interior communities in exchange of goods such as ivory, animal skins and semi-precious stones. This assertion of beads being used to exchange goods from hinterland has been supported by evidence of over two thousand beads in Chibuene, Mozambique a known gold trading site in the interior of Africa.
The commodification of coastal resource and craftsmanship that was practiced in Gede and elsewhere made it possible for Swahili people to retain goods their traded from foreign countries. As such, they created goods such as beads and others to trade with people from hinterlands in exchange of goods they would trade with foreign traders. Put briefly, the coastal people produced goods aimed at markets of hinterlands in exchange for goods which were sort after by foreign merchants (Sinclair ,1995). To that end, they acted as intermediaries hence generating great wealth which they invested in building cities and maintaining their urban life. Notable investments were aimed at public utilities including mosques which in some instances were constructed together with wells and cisterns (Wynne-Jones and Fleisher, 2014).
The industrial complex for beads making demonstrates some of the artisan class that arose from Gede mercantile society. In the case of this industrial complex, it was located in an area which can be described as “middle class” area. This does not necessarily mean that mead processing in this site was owned by middle class household. The possibility of this beads processing being owned by elites who lived in the stone houses is also viable (Pawlowinz,2019). As explained below, the assemblages depict a manufacturing area rather than area of living. That is, an area where people went to work hence a form of “factory” (table 10). Based on the above observation, this area shows division of labor which was an automatic product of urbanization process of Gede. The specializations that gained momentum including bead manufacturing which had a ready market from urban population and also a trade good with people from interior as noted in the previous section.
Graph 1.0 Local Beads
The ivory was the most common beads recovered during excavation which can be attributable to durability rather than availability. As evidenced from elsewhere and excavation of the areas associated with commoners, majority of beads were either manufactured using shells or fish bones.
From the above information, archaeological evidence shows they were making beads as we found several beads grinders and ostrich shells which were waste materials for making them. Also, a sixteenth century kohl pencil was excavated in this house which that the women of this site had access to exotic foreign goods (Muthegethi,2023). Thus, based on archeological evidence, it seems that this was women s pace of work. I base my assumption of presence of gendered materials as correlated from ethnographic data. Normally, Islam culture are strict on spaces which are normally gendered hence presence of materials are historically associated with women supports this point (See Donley 1982;1987;1990). What is interesting in that women who occupied this area were integral part of Gede economy through production chain. The implication was accumulation of resources as evidence to consumption of foreign and prestigious goods including Kohl pencils, handbags, necklaces and so forth. Cloths would also make an important component of materials that were used to re-enforce women power. Unfortunately, cloths are poorly preserved in archaeological record (Sinclair,1995).
Ceramics
Pottery is one of the most abundant artefacts recovered anywhere associated with Swahili city states including Gede. Archaeological evidence shows shift in pottery production styles which corresponded with shifting social and economic realities of Swahili civilization. Notably, dietary patterns including feasting as well as diversification of foods altered pottery style. Furthermore, changes in pottery style through time indicate cultural shift through time and space. Ceramics are closely connected with power relations in Swahili civilization social organization (Fleisher,2010). The serving ceramics are important in making the wealth of the host visible. That is the types of ceramics, size and decoration patters of the wealth of individuals. The rarity of imported ceramics made them prestigious and a form of status. Horton (1996) notes that imported ceramics came from four different areas in Asia and Middle East (Table 1.1).
1.1 Table Showing Ceramics and region of Origin
Region of Origin | Types of Pottery |
Far East (China) | Glazed bowls and Jars |
Persia | Polychrome bowls and glazed polychrome bowls |
Red Sea | Glazed polychrome |
India | Unglazed Storage Jars |
Fleisher (2003) notes how local ceramics changed through time and space along Swahili city states. Notably, after the first century of the second millennium current era, local ceramics became more refined with sophisticated decorations. Since, these were manufactured by women artisans, I argue that ability to improve them is evidence of accumulation of technology which was fueled in part by wealth they generated in commercialized pottery business. To that end, the new wealth created a conducive environment for innovation in manufacturing of local ceramics in Gede and elsewhere.
Industrial Complex Table 1.0
Level | Total no. of pieces of sherds | Imported pottery sherds | Local diagnostic pottery sherds | Local non diagnostic pottery sherds | No. of sherds retained | No. of sherds discarded |
1 | 52 | 1 | 2 | 49 | 3 | 49 |
2 | 140 | 3 | 11 | 126 | 14 | 126 |
3 | 116 | 3 | 45 | 68 | 48 | 68 |
4 | 33 | 1 | 10 | 22 | 10 | 22 |
5 | 40 | 2 | 18 | 20 | 20 | 20 |
6 | 36 | 0 | 9 | 27 | 9 | 27 |
7 | 41 | 0 | 14 | 27 | 14 | 27 |
8 | 51 | 0 | 17 | 34 | 17 | 34 |
9 | 22 | 0 | 9 | 13 | 9 | 13 |
10 | 22 | 0 | 4 | 18 | 4 | 18 |
11 | 44 | 1 | 5 | 38 | 6 | 38 |
12 | 51 | 0 | 13 | 38 | 13 | 38 |
Total | 648 | 11 | 157 | 480 | 168 | 480 |
The table above shows characteristics of ceramics collected from industrial complex located on an area associated with middle class in Gede.
Commoner House Artefacts Table 1.1
Level | Total no. of pieces of sherds | Imported pottery sherds | Local diagnostic pottery sherds | Local non diagnostic pottery sherds | No. of sherds retained | No. of sherds discarded |
2 | 42 | 0 | 1 | 41 | 1 | 41 |
3 | 299 | 0 | 18 | 281 | 18 | 281 |
4 | 373 | 5 | 30 | 343 | 30 | 343 |
5 | 8 | 8 | 0 | 0 | 8 | 0 |
6 | 195 | 7 | 23 | 172 | 23 | 172 |
7 | 150 | 5 | 37 | 113 | 42 | 113 |
8 | 384 | 6 | 48 | 330 | 54 | 330 |
9 | 79 | 2 | 11 | 66 | 13 | 66 |
10 | 89 | 3 | 7 | 79 | 10 | 79 |
11 | 7 | 0 | 0 | 7 | 0 | 7 |
Total | 1626 | 36 | 175 | 1432 | 199 | 1432 |
The table above shows total ceramics assemblages excavated from the house of a commoner on the outer most part of Gede city.
By comparing material assemblages collected in the industrial complex (table 1.0) with those recovered from (table 1.1) there is disparities. I argue that these disparities in terms of ceramics accumulations emanates from how these structures were used. Normally, the industrial complex if it was dwelling place will have more materials accumulation as compared to settlement associated with commoners. This will especially be reflected on imported ceramics while we take into account that the area I describe as industrial complex is roughly associated with the “middle class”. Therefore, I hypothesize that this area was used for manufacturing of beads but not necessarily a dwelling place. The implication is that it was occupied only for certain period during “work hours” hence the reason why it has fewer local and imported ceramics as compared to the house of the commoners on the outer wall. Interestingly, there is a high number of imported ceramics in area associated with commoners at shown in the data above. The implication is that foreign ceramics had social value including rituals as their presence has been found in tombs and mosques along Indian Ocean coast (Garlake,1966; Chittick,1974).
Islamic Ceramics
Pawlowicz (2019) suggests presence of different households who practices certain activities or complementary activities. That is, those who may have practiced hunting and iron working at household level. Archaeological evidence of the outside house shows that their main subsistence strategy was fishing and hunting. To that end, there was high presence of wild fauna and fish bones with very little domesticated bones. There was also evidence of pottery repair in the site without any indication of commercial production associated with artisan classes. Interestingly, the site had a greater number of local and imported ceramics as compared to industrial area where manufacturing of beads and pottery was happening. I argue that presence of high concentration of ceramics could be attributable to the fact that industrial complex was more of a working station rather than a house.
Sample of Imported Ceramics from Industrial Complex
Nonetheless, In Gede, the elites and commoners’ houses had local ceramics besides imported. In fact, it was local ceramics that were used frequently as compared to more rare and exotic foreign ceramics (Kusimba,1994). Interestingly, historical and archaeological evidence across Swahili civilization shows how feasting was areas where power was contested or constituted. Cook and Glowacki (2003) notes how ceramics were used in the past to navigate power and social identities. Ibn Battuta notes in his travels of elaborate feasts by the Sultan of Mogadishu (Fleisher,2010).
The archaeological evidence from the industrial complex showed pot slug hence the area was used for pottery manufacturing. Since, contextual evidence has proven this was a woman space, I argue that they manufactured these pots which were available to every household. The commercialization of pots hence gave women considerable economic power. As Fleisher (2003) these new forms of local pottery emulated Persian ceramics in style hence increasing their value. To that end, women were producers of commodities that had economic and social value to Gede society and elsewhere. These new styles also corresponded with increase in size of bowls which has been associated with communal feasting as a new strategy of expressing prestige and power (see Schiffer and Skibo,1997; Mills,2007). Kusimba (1994) notes that imported ceramics were few making local pottery important commodity in Swahili City States. As observed among the Acholi women in their role in preparation of materials for rituals as a form of power capital, the same principle applied to women (Lonergan and Anyeko, 2012). They manufactured these pots and were also involved in preparation of feasts where power relations between the host and guests were expressed. Therefore, the local ceramics and usage recenter women prestige as artisans and executors of feasts in Gede society.
Materiality of Women Wealth
Misiugin (1966) examines Pate chronicles in relations to political power structures. He notes that before foreigners had contact with Pate, there was traditional African royal families under the name of “Mfalme”. Interestingly, the Pate Chronicles explains how power was transferred from one generation to another within the same clan. To that end, power was transferred up marriage where the tight aristocracy guaranteed power remained in their clan by marrying women within the clan. The implication was that men of the clan fulfilled the functions of royal family while women acted as depository of Mfalme position. The chronicle notes a scenario where Sulaymän from Nabkhani dynasty, inherited the position of the Mfalme by marrying a woman who represented the next generation of power. Matveiev (1984) notes this tradition of clan where women were central to power structure as custodians was also noted in Kilwa. Interestingly, the Pate and Kilwa chronicles in Swahili allude that Persian king married a daughter of a local chief.
Although, so far, no written records have been found in Gede, material evidence shows women had access to important resources of the city. I argue that, normally, economics realities such as consumption habits are indicators of social status of groups in a society. Women used imported cotton clothes that were sometimes decorated using gold. Their jewelry entailed copper, gold and other precious stones that were traded from the interior of Africa (Fleisher,2010). Besides, cloths and jewelry, archaeological evidence shows other imports that were meant for women consumption including perfumes and beauty products in Gede and other Swahili City states (Muthegethi,2023). Besides, personal products the general layout of the city is indicative of women spaces. These includes toilets, courtyards and tombs as discussed in the earlier section of this article. The fact that women spaces were considered in public spaces and their visibility increased with intensification of Indian ocean trade shows a correlation between the two phenomena. Thus, material evidence shows women visibility in material record of Gede increased as they curved new spaces in the city economic structure.
I have argued elsewhere that as women social capital increased in Gede, there was incorporation of their spaces in built environments. The construction of inner city after 14th century during the golden age of Gede shows more sophistication in architectural designs (Muthegethi, 2023). This social capital was fueled in part by their integration to Gede formal economy as artisans and service provides. Therefore, the rise of hospitability industry anchored on foreign traders and commodification of women activities led to high purchasing power for women and accessibility to spaces of influences. In fact, the chronological development of Gede as evidenced by construction of inner city shows mor signatures of women in the architectural designs. these designs capture women spaces in public spaces including tombs, courtyards and houses layout. T