This paper analysed the impact of a meditation program shaped towards healthier food choices, on the dietary decisions of students in grades 4–6 at 27 schools in southern Mexico. In terms of overall preferences, our data showed that a considerable majority of the participants chose the chocolate over the amaranth bar in our experiment. This is aligned with the chocolate bar being more appealing to children in our sample than the amaranth bar. In general, our estimates revealed that students practicing meditation were not more likely to choose the healthy amaranth snack than those in the control group. Nonetheless, we highlighted that meditation effectively aided students who chose for reasons other than health or nutrition to increase the healthy snack choice. Thus, meditation is effective for children that are otherwise less health conscious. Based on the reasons of choice stated by the participants, we did not identify a particular attribute that explained this effect, such as past consumption, sensory qualities or dietary restrictions. In this sense, it is possible that meditation just gave them further “motivation” to take more effortful and deliberative decisions. The majority of these participants stated that they chose their snack because they “like it” more than the other, which is a vague response that may hide their true intrinsic motivations. On the other hand, the prices of the snacks used in the experiment were similar in the market, but it is unclear if students had different monetary valuations of the products and if they took them into account when doing their choice. We did not capture overall daily intakes of our participants, but a similar study found that meditation does not affect the overall intakes of unhealthy foods among adults (Alem et al., 2021). Unlike the latter study, we did find a significant effect on experimentally measured stated preference food choice.
In line with our expectations in the pre-analysis plan, our only significant treatment effect on food choice of 4%-points was lower than the effects in past school interventions. For the studies on incentives, the effect sizes varied from 11 to 28%-points increases in choices of fruits (Belot et al., 2016; Just and Price, 2013; Loewenstein et al., 2016), whereas those in the goal setting study varied from 10 to 18%-points increases in choices of milk (Samek, 2019). The effect in other school experiments in a middle-income country such as Indonesia, was also larger, around 13%-points for nudges (i.e., emoji faces) to increase fruit selections (de Vries Mecheva et al., 2021). While we did not measure the impact of information, based on the relatively low effect size, we posit that meditation may serve as an effective complement for other strategies. Further studies are warranted to disentangle the interaction effects of information and meditation, as sometimes information does not have a positive synergy with other strategies to improve dietary decisions among children as in de Vries Mecheva et al. (2021).
We predicted that meditation would also affect the dynamic consistency of food choice. Our results only indicated that students practicing meditation were more likely to exchange the unhealthy for the healthy snack (i.e., healthy switch) when given the chance to do that after the original choice. Children in general did more unhealthy than healthy switches, but the shares did not differ by treatment group. Compared to a study with a similar experimental design with adults, the share of participants in our research that exhibited dynamic inconsistencies was smaller (46%vs11%) (Sadoff et al., 2020). Had the second choice happened days apart from the experiment, unhealthy switches would be more prevalent, thereby giving more room for meditation to reduce the likelihood of such biases. In this sense, our results are similar to Alem et al. (2021), who found that meditation had weaker effects on time preferences.
Considering the mechanisms behind the effects of meditation, our analysis revealed that mediation reduced stress among treated participants. The effect was larger for those children attending schools in lower-income areas. Participants from such backgrounds may had more room to reduce stress levels, as they were likely experiencing higher stress than those from higher-income areas, due to long-term exposure to economic worries in their households (Bruijn, 2021; Kremer et al., 2019). Additionally, such students had prolonged school closures and lack of access to resources to attend online schooling, to cope with emotional impact of the pandemic (e.g., a therapist) and to a similar meditation program as in some of the private schools in the sample. This mechanism is backed by research linking stress with eating behaviours (Beenackers et al., 2018; Blissett et al., 2010), which we now generalize to the field of healthier diets in school settings. Again, our results are in line with Alem et al. (2021) in terms of the impact of meditation on perceived stress. Yet, further evidence is needed with alternative stress measurement techniques, as the mentioned authors had less conclusive evidence based on cortisol measures.
A few aspects are unclear in terms of the impact of meditation on our stress measures. First, the economic and pandemic-related stress sources were the most salient in the context of this study, but we are cognizant that there are other causes of worry among children such as schoolwork, bullying and violence in their communities. With this in mind, it is unclear which specific sources of stress were lessened by meditation. Second, there was an unexpected negative effect of the intervention on the reported frequency of stomach aches. Yet, assuming this indicator did not differ by treatment group at baseline, it is possible that the increased frequency was due to improved body awareness on treated participants, which is typically the case with meditation (Gallant, 2016). In fact, our meditation audios included practices were children mentally scanned their bodies. In any case, it is also possible that such techniques triggered pre-existing emotional issues that may need some guidance by an specialist, aspect that shall be recommended for future meditation interventions (de Lara Perez and Delgado-Rios, 2022).
Our findings are relevant for the ongoing debate in the field of food choices about the relative effectiveness of strategies influencing individual’s self-control such as ours, relative to more paternalistic approaches such as bans on unhealthy foods (de Vries Mecheva et al., 2021; Loewenstein, 2018). Here, we posit that strategies like meditation may well complement other approaches in a package of policies to attain healthier diets. In fact, the large availability of unhealthy foods in the market may actually be the consequence of the predominantly affective nature of consumers’ dietary behaviours, which is usually reinforced by stressors (Ruhm, 2012). Consequently, strategies influencing self-control are particularly relevant in low- and middle-income countries due to large shares of the population experiencing poverty-related stressors, which were complemented by the negative psychological effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. At the same time, the reality is that a comprehensive package of paternalistic policies such as large taxes and bans on unhealthy foods are hardly implemented in countries like Mexico, as they face strong push back from the food industry (Rivera-Dommarco et al., 2018). That being the case, meditation programs fit well in the existing student curricula and could be shaped towards the healthy choice to equip children to take better dietary decisions (Instituto Nacional de Salud Publica, 2020).
We highlight certain limitations of this work. The main results of this work cannot be generalized to Oaxaca or southern Mexico because the set of schools available for the study was constrained by the availability of open schools in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. The sample of students was also biased becuase some minorities following only online schooling were not captured in our study. Parents of the latter children were typically more concerned with COVID-19 contagion and had the means, willingness to prolong such schooling scheme. Likewise, we had differential attrition at least in terms of gender, but other characteristics may have also varied. Altogether, we had a relatively large, heterogenous sample and expect that our results would hold for similar schools in low-income areas of Mexico, but this can only be assessed by replicating our design in other schools and other regions.
In terms of internal validity, we expect risks such as treatment diffusion to be limited, as the schedules by class differed within each school due to the pandemic regulations and it is unlikely that students would put other peers to meditate. On the other hand, we cannot discard experimenter demand effects particularly at the moment of snack collection[4]. To reduce the possibility of such biases, we switched the enumerators that monitored the meditation and those applying the survey and delivering the snacks, so they were less familiar with the experimenters when providing their responses (like the control group). We also emphasized to students that there were no right or wrong answers and that we just wanted their true opinions. In any case, the existing evidence has shown that such effects are modest and our results held when removing those observations deemed as the most suspicious of such biases (De Quidt et al., 2018; Mummolo and Peterson, 2019). Finally, we could not appropriately identify non-compliers in the treatment group so additional analyses such as intention to treat were not possible. Yet, it is certain that all treated participants in the analytical sample did the last meditation, thereby ensuring that they received to some extent the positive effects of the program.
In light of our findings, stress reduction strategies framed in the direction of healthier food choices improve dietary decisions among children that are otherwise not driven by health/nutrition motivations. Our study proved that with a large and heterogenous sample compared to similar studies in other strands of literature. In contrast with a similar experiment with adults in Alem et al. (2021), we also shed light on the higher chances of influencing food choices with meditation at the school-age stage. At the same time, strategies such as meditation may work as a self-built internal mechanism that leads to beneficial dynamic inconsistency in food choice. These strategies are especially of great assistance to improve the psychological well-being of children with a lower-income background, even more in pandemic times.