We identified ten unique digital technology access and health use patterns among a nationally representative sample of US adults. Roughly 50% of US adults had universal access to the internet and internet-enabled devices, smart mobile devices, and to their EHRs. The remaining half of US adults belonged to classes that lacked access to 1 + of these digital technologies. Within classes, the estimated proportions of members engaging in various health behaviors ranged from small to large. Disparate access to and health use of digital technologies was observed primarily by birth sex, age, educational attainment, and health factors. Specifically, digital technologies access and health use were lower among male, less educated, and older adults, while the relationship between race/ethnicity and access and use was weaker by comparison. The health factors most associated with membership of classes with lesser digital technologies access and health use were not having a regular healthcare provider, not visiting a provider in the past year, and not having any chronic diseases. These results have important implications. From health education to chronic disease management and behavior change, benefits of digital technologies use on health outcomes are well documented.4,8,11,12,20 Identifying groups with common digital technologies access and health use patterns is critical for efforts aimed at improving access to digital technologies and increasing their health use among US adults to maximize individual- and population-level health benefits.
Our results make evident the lack of access to digital technologies among US adults. First, ~ 50% of US adults lacked EHR access (classes 1 through 3, 5, and 6) despite an accelerated rate of EHR adoption attributed, in part, to policies that incentivized adoption and meaningful use of EHRs.52 Second, ~ 13% lacked access to both smartphones and tablets (classes 1, 3, and 4), which aligns with national data on smartphone adoption rates.23 Wearable device access was highest among class 10 members (52.5%), whereas wearables access was < 13% among members of six classes that made up half of US adults (classes 1 through 5 and 7). Third, ~ 16% of US adults did not utilize the internet (classes 1 and 2), despite class 2 members having access to internet-capable devices (e.g., smartphones, tablets). By default, health uses of digital technologies were nonexistent in classes missing access to requisite technologies, eliminating any possible benefits associated with their use. Thus, it is essential to monitor national targets (e.g., HealthyPeople 2030) for increasing access to digital technologies53 and expand access to underserved populations through programs such as phone and internet service payment assistance and alternative third-party personal health record apps.54,55
Digital technologies access and health use patterns are constantly changing. Future studies should replicate the current work to examine the evolution in the classes identified here over time. For example, the digitally isolated class 1 could disappear if trends in adoption of digital technologies continue or as the aging members of this class die out. Potential future scenarios include the emergence of classes that reflect disparate access to newer technologies (e.g., smart home assistants) as other technologies (e.g., wearables) become mainstream.56 Future research should also document access-driven disparities in health outcomes among adults who belong to classes with no/limited access to digital technologies and whether such disparities vary by individual histories of access (e.g., duration with uninterrupted access rather than by estimates of access at a single time point). Studies should also examine whether there are advantages to having access to multiple technologies that ostensibly facilitate the same health behavior. For example, given that mobile texting, email, and patient portals may all be used for patient-provider communication, does communication frequency and associated health outcome (e.g., patient satisfaction) differ depending on the type or number of technologies available to the patient?
Across classes, percentages of US adults using digital technologies for health varied. Consistent with previously published literature, seeking health information online was common across all web-integrated classes, and – of the queried EHR features – adults commonly viewed test results and communicated with their healthcare providers.2,32,57 On digital technologies health use, several observations are noteworthy. First, while health uses of digital technologies are associated with positive health outcomes, evidence of positive outcomes is not definitive and unintended outcomes exist. For example, online health information seeking has been associated with unintended, often negative, outcomes (e.g., health misinformation).58 Similarly, benefits of patient portals use on clinical health outcomes is inconclusive.59,60 This introduces complexity in determining which technologies are potentially beneficial to health and the desired proportions of US adults engaging with digital health technologies, which potentially explains why national initiatives set goals solely for increasing access to digital technologies.53
Our results suggest the need to disentangle lack of access from nonuse, as the lines between them are often blurred. For example, limited use of EHRs can be attributed to a lack of access among people without health insurance or a regular healthcare provider (rather than an unwillingness to adopt them). Alternatively, EHR nonuse can be attributed to lack of (perceived) need, lack of awareness, and poor usability, among other factors.61 Identifying factors associated with nonuse is critical to employing appropriate approaches to intervene on modifiable factors to reduce digital health disparities. Interventions should also target various interdependent factors commonly associated with use of digital technologies including individual predispositions (e.g., mistrust, privacy concerns), skills (e.g., limited digital literacy), and technology-related factors (e.g., poor usability).28,29,62–64 Finally, although our analysis was limited to binary measures of health behaviors, frequency and duration of use can vary. Thus, it is important to consider how health outcomes may relate to the frequency of health behaviors and identify classes of adults based on levels of health use within and across digital technologies and health outcomes among adults who belong to these classes.
Our results feature a subset of US adults who use digital technologies in relative isolation from the traditional healthcare system, whether by choice (i.e., classes 7 and 8) or because they lacked access to their EHRs (i.e., classes 1 through 3, 5, and 6). Members of these classes utilized general web-based tools serving the same purpose as EHR features (e.g., communicating with provider, requesting medication refills), which illustrates the utility of these tools outside of patient portals and may explain the lag in EHR use among those with EHR access. Future research should examine whether the use of comparable non-EHRs platforms produces equivalent benefits to EHR use.
Our results show correlates common across disparate access and health use, while others were unique to either access or use. Older adults and individuals with less than a college degree had higher odds of belonging to classes lacking digital technologies access and to classes with fewer members engaging in health behaviors. Minority status, specifically as Hispanic or Asian American, was associated with belonging to the mobile-dependent class, consistent with available evidence.23 Other demographics like being male and single were associated with belonging to classes with gaps in access, but were not associated with belonging to classes with limited health uses among those with access. Access to digital technologies (and skills needed for their use) is an established social determinant of health.65,66 As digital technologies have become central to public health and healthcare, expanding access to digital technologies is a pre-requisite to engaging in various health behaviors from seeking health information online to interacting with the healthcare system electronically. Initiatives to provide Wi-Fi access during the COVID-19 pandemic could serve as a template for such efforts.67 These efforts are critical to reduce existing disparities in access to healthcare and to preempt potential disparities emanating from digital health inequities.36,64 Furthermore, it is important to ensure the reliability and consistency of access especially as racial/ethnic minorities have come to rely exclusively on mobile devices for internet access.68,69 Finally, as evident in our results, single characteristics can be associated with membership of multiple classes showing near opposite access and/or use patterns. For example, people 50 + years old had higher odds of belonging to limited access/use classes (e.g., class 1) and unlimited access/moderate use (e.g., class 9) vs. class 10. This calls for examining sociodemographic profiles of class members (e.g., age and education) rather than focusing on single characteristics.
Strengths of this study include use of nationally representative data of US adults; our holistic approach to examine existing patterns of access to digital technologies and health use based on 32 behaviors; and the use of an analytic approach that allows for natural classes to emerge based on commonalities in digital technologies access and health uses, rather than forcing the data into a priori defined patterns. Limitations include inconsistencies in question availability, wording, and skip-logic patterns across years. For example, questions on health monitors inconsistently included examples of wearables (e.g., Fitbit), non-wearables (e.g., glucometer), or both. Access questions were seldom precise or comprehensive. For example, participants were asked whether they used broadband, a cellular data plan, or Wi-Fi to connect to the internet, but did not specify if access was at home (vs. public spaces). Thus, we used the question about whether the participant uses the internet generally as a proxy for internet access. Other limitations include the potential for different interpretations of questions, recall error, and social desirability biases typical of self-reported survey data. Accordingly, we might have misclassified people who might have had access to requisite technologies but could not or failed to report it. Some questions had specific time frames (e.g., past 12 months) while others did not. The labelling of classes (e.g., mobile-dependent) should be taken with caution because of these limitations. Many health behaviors examined here could be performed using multiple platforms. For example, sharing health information on social networking sites could be done on a website or smartphone app. However, our classification of health behaviors as web-based, mobile-based, or EHRs-based followed the question wording. Specifically, behaviors were classified as mobile-based when questions referenced smart devices or mobile features (e.g., texting) and as EHRs-based when questions referenced medical records, otherwise behaviors were classified as web-based. Finally, we could not use several covariates inconsistent over time (e.g., English proficiency). We excluded annual household income as a covariate due to high missingness.