Race and ethnicity are historical social constructs that have been based on characteristics such as phenotypes and familial ancestry. It has also been used with the purpose of distributing resources and power. This allocation has been shaping hierarchies, benefiting only the favored groups. Injustices that are rooted in ill-treatment, from the pillar of race are termed racism. (1, 2) Jones’ conceptual framework suggests that racism occurs on three levels: i) institutionalized, ii) personally mediated, and iii) internalized(3). Institutionalized racism is explained as the normative differential access to power, opportunities, employability, and adequate medical facilities. Prejudice and discrimination describe personally mediated racism; and consequently, self-devaluation and acceptation are an internalization of the racism(4). Recently, epidemiologists have been focused on the term, systemic racism, which refers to, how racism has been embedding the way societies are organized, operating as a system of interconnected parts working under a racialized logic, shaping the way institutions, social groups, culture, and other dimensions of life in society.(5)
Structural racism, also shapes and impacts on an individual and collective level.(6) Some results of the interactions between the intersectionality of race and ethnicity with structural racism have been found to impact the individual’s life expectancy directly and indirectly. (7) These concepts are crucial to understand and analyse racial and ethnic health data. (8) It’s only recently that it has been acknowledged by epidemiologists and researchers.
Differences in health outcomes among communicable and non-communicable diseases are reported by race and ethnic group, but they are not properly addressed. (8)Race and ethnicity have been used as a proxy for social classes and genotypes, restricting its adequate analysis as a social construct. In data analysis, when adjusting for race and restricting this variable as a single variable, we continue perpetuating the inequities limiting advances in science and causing segregation, marginalization, and barriers in healthcare for different racial and ethnic groups.(4)
Since the nineteenth century, American federal policies on race-data collection changed, improving the inclusion of subcategories of race. The gaps of knowledge are a result of the low-quality data, which is either aggregated or estimated due to a high level of missing and inconsistent race and ethnicity-based data. (3) The Pan-Diaspora project is designed to assess the available evidence in the Americas on the three major health outcomes including i) cardiovascular diseases, ii) maternal, infant, and neonatal mortality, and iii) vector-borne diseases.
By understanding the complexity of the subject and how variable definitions of race, ethnicity, racism, inequity, and health inequities have been presented in the literature, we provide a list of definitions and interpretations used in the context of this document and for the Pan-American Data Initiative for the Analysis of Population Racial/Ethnic Health Inequities (Pan-DIASPORA) project (Box 1).
Pan-DIASPORA Project: Mapping Racial/Ethnic Health Inequities in Latin America
Afro-descendants in Latin America and the Caribbean Region comprise about 21% of the population, representing over half of the Brazilian population, 96% of Haiti, and 36% of Cuba, followed by Colombia, Dominican Republic and Panama, as reported by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (CEPAL). (9)Despite their significant presence, they are severely underserved, with 2.5 times higher likelihood of living in chronic poverty compared to white population groups. (10) Likewise, while advancements in screening, diagnosis, and treatment have been improved, the reduction of disease burden, morbidity, and mortality among Afro-descendants remains facing disparities in the promotion and prevention of health. (11)
The collection of race-based data has been marred with controversy due to a convoluted history of colonialism, slavery, oppression, and racism. (12) Historically, the collection of race-based data was used to target, survey, and control individuals who are perceived as threats or monetary assets to Western society. (3, 13) Hence, hesitancy to provide and to systematically collect race-based data has led to a significant decrease in both the quantity and quality of race-based data. In turn, this intricate history has led to a fragmented understanding of health inequities deeply rooted in the misconception that ‘race’ represents a biological difference among people which continuously emerges in “biologically or genetically based race research”. (14) While it has been sufficiently demonstrated that race is a social construct created to validate the enslavement of racialized groups historically marginalized resulting from discriminatory ideologies based in Racism. (15) Moreover, despite relentless calls for race and ethnicity data collection to identify and address health disparities through evidence-based strategies, little transformative impact has been made.
In the Americas region, there is limited evidence data on race and ethnicity and health inequities outside the US. (16–18) Afro-descendants in the entire Americas and Latinx populations in Anglo-North America, although statistically invisibilized populations, are often overrepresented on the burden of conditions such cardiovascular diseases; maternal, neonatal, and infant mortality; and vector-borne diseases. (19) To address this knowledge gap, the Pan-DIASPORA project seeks to systemically examine the availability, quality, and scope of data; collected and used on race and ethnicity in urban and rural areas in the Pan American region. The Pan-DIASPORA project is, to the best of our knowledge, the first large-scale international data initiative analyzing racial and ethnic health inequities in the Americas and Caribbean region.
Here, we propose a series of interconnected but distinct series of scoping reviews, aiming at a thorough evaluation of the use and scope of population-based race and ethnicity literature from 2000 to 2023, in the context of three major selected health outcomes inequities a) cardiovascular health, b) maternal and infant health, and c) communicable diseases, across countries from Latin America and the Caribbean. The selected period marks the onset of broad systematic data collection on race and ethnicity in the region. (20–22) Scoping reviews were selected to provide a broad but systematic approach to assess the scope of the published literature on racial and ethnic health inequities in the region. We focus on Latin America and the Caribbean given the knowledge gap about health inequities and the Afro-descendant populations literature outside Anglo-North America. The health outcomes were selected based on the Pan American Health Organization’s (PAHO) report on health among Afro-descendants in the region, (23) indicating these three areas as leading causes of morbidity and mortality (Box 2). These topics are the most researched but arguably the least understood conditions disproportionately affecting already vulnerable groups.(9, 23)