Georgia (GA) is one of the nation’s leaders in agriculture, boasting a robust industry comprising over 40,000 farms with approximately 68,000 producers and 49,000 hired farm workers (USDA National Agricultural Statistics Service, 2017). Agricultural commodities play a significant role in the state's economy, contributing a substantial $12.2 billion out of the $1.1 trillion total (USDA National Agricultural Statistics Service, 2017). Consequently, prioritizing the well-being of agricultural workers, and addressing their physical and mental health, is of utmost importance.
While research attention on Georgia’s farming population is a relatively recent phenomenon, the existing literature predominantly focuses on suicide and comprises qualitative studies and secondary data analysis. Consistent with a broader national trend, it has been observed that farmers in Georgia face higher suicide rates than their non-farming counterparts (Kennedy, Cerel, Kheibari, Leske, & Watts, 2021). A myriad of stressors, such as weather-related uncertainties, fluctuating commodity prices, and rising fuel costs, can weigh heavily on agricultural workers. These stressors have the potential to elevate levels of anxiety and depression (Brown & Harris, 1978), which could lead to a generally negative outlook on life– especially when persistent over time, coupled with limited coping mechanisms, coping mechanisms are limited (Bjornestad, Cuthbertson, & Hendricks, 2021), and exacerbated by challenges accessing healthcare (Reilly, 2021).
Gender Roles and Societal Expectations in Farming
Biological sex refers to the physical and physiological characteristics that distinguish males and females, typically categorized as male or female based on reproductive anatomy and functions. In contrast, gender roles are societal expectations, behaviors, and norms associated with being male or female (Bem, 1981). Sandra Bem pioneered the Gender Schema Theory, which suggests that individuals develop gender roles through the internalization of societal norms and expectations (Bem, 1981), a theory still heavily applied to this day in various academic domains (Starr & Zurbriggen, 2017). This paper focuses on the socially constructed nature of gender, emphasizing that it explores gender roles shaped by cultural and social influences rather than biological factors.
The separation of responsibilities by gender, commonly referred to as “gender roles,” has origins in the Neolithic Revolution. Initially designed to ensure safety and household surplus amid challenges like food scarcity, maternal mortality, and physical conflicts (Hansen, Jensen, & Skovsgaard, 2015), these roles have persisted through modern society despite industrialization eliminating many historical adversarial forces. They remain a significant social challenge at home and in the workplace.
This challenge is frequently document in current research which highlights fairness issues, such as financial and time contributions as a major source of controversy within married couples’ households (Peetz, Meloff, & Royle, 2023). The United States Department of Labor reports a substantial increase in women’s presence in the workforce, rising from approximately 28% in 1950 to 47% in 2020 (US Department of Labor, 2022). However, this rise in the workspace has not been met by a reduction of domestic responsibilities. In 2020, women were estimated to spend nearly triple the amount of time on domestic duties as their male counterparts worldwide, averaging 4.2 hours daily versus 1.7, respectively (United Nations, 2020). The gap is even wider in less developed regions.
Gender roles are believed to be more pronounced in societies with long agricultural histories (Hansen, Jensen, & Skovsgaard, 2015). Previous studies on this topic primarily focus on sustenance farmers in developing nations, such as rural regions of India and African countries. A 2016 study found that today 30% of US farmers are female, a significant increase from the 11% observed in 2005 (Sachs, Barbercheck, Brasier, Kiernan, & Terman, 2016). However, the expectations for a woman’s role within the home have not shifted with their increased participation in the workforce (Cooke & Rousseau, 1984). Previous work has found that the burden of work affects a female’s quality of family life more than males. This dilemma can quickly lead to role conflict for female farmers, particularly in agricultural-based communities with traditional gender role expectations. (Duxbury & Higgins, 1991).
Examining stress response and coping mechanisms reveals differences between men and women related to role conflict. While stress response typically varies by culture, it is widely believed that men use more active coping behaviors and emotional inhibition, whereas women tend to use more passive and emotion-focused behaviors (Pearlin & Schooler, 1978; Ptacek, Smith, & Zanas, 1992; Rogier, 2019). Stressors also differ, with men reporting more work, finance, or friend-related stressors, while women are more likely to report family conflicts such as health issues or children (Matud, 2004). The same author also suggests that women with children were more likely to report dissatisfaction in the workplace than men with children. These results apply broadly to males and females, and are closely related to education status and age. While research has demonstrated there may be significant differences between reported stressors amongst men and women, if one accounts for age and education status, these differences become less apparent (Galanakis, Stalikas, Kallia, Karagianni, & Karela, 2009).
Review of Studies on Stress Levels and Stressors in Farmers
The inherent life disparities between men and women pose challenges in accurately comparing their stress responses. Family duties and financial responsibilities significantly influence individuals' reported experiences, complicating direct comparisons of male versus female stress responses to the same stressor. To mitigate these differences, college serves as a useful setting for studying stress responses, as students have autonomy and responsibilities, while typically lacking the family and financial obligations that emerge later in life. A study conducted in Florida analyzed stress levels and coping mechanisms among 448 college students. As the semester progressed, female students were more likely to report higher scores on the Perceived Stress Scale and moderate stress loads compared to their male counterparts (Graves, Hall, Dias-Karch, Haischer, & Apter, 2021). Notably, no differences were observed between male and female students in perceptions of light or severe stress loads. Differences in coping mechanisms also emerged. There were no coping categories where male students had increased rates over females, while females reported higher rates of self-distraction, venting, emotional support, and instrumental support aligning with previous research suggesting that women tend to employ passive and emotion-based coping strategies (Peetz, Meloff, & Royle, 2023; Ptacek, Smith, & Zanas, 1992).
To delve into stress response disparities among male and female farmers, it's crucial to understand the unique stressors inherent in agriculture. Farmers often experience heightened stress compared to their non-farming counterparts, reflected in an elevated suicide rate compared to the general population (Klingelschmidt, et al., 2018; Kennedy, Cerel, Kheibari, Leske, & Watts, 2021). Factors contributing to this stress include increased mechanization of agriculture coupled with a decreasing workforce, which places greater responsibility and burden on individual farmers (Kennedy, Cerel, Kheibari, Leske, & Watts, 2021). Long working hours without breaks for vacation or weekends are common, compounded by unpredictable weather patterns such as droughts, floods, fires, and temperature fluctuations that can devastate crops without warning. Additionally, farmers face occupational hazards resulting in injuries such as trauma, hearing loss, skin cancer, and pulmonary diseases. Financial uncertainties add to the stress, as farmers navigate fluctuating global markets that dictate the price of their products (Kennedy, Cerel, Kheibari, Leske, & Watts, 2021).
Coping Mechanisms among Farmers
While farming presents its unique set of stressors, farmers' coping mechanisms align closely with those of the general population. One distinctive coping mechanism reported by farmers is detachment from the farm, whether mentally or physically. However, this detachment poses challenges, particularly for farmers who reside on their operations and involve family members in their work. Unlike other occupations where leaving work behind is feasible, the intertwined nature of farming and family life complicates the ability to separate the two realms, highlighting yet another challenge faced by this population (Vayro, Brownlow, Ireland, & March, 2019).
Despite its significance, limited research exists on coping mechanisms among farmers, and gender differences in coping strategies remain largely unexplored, emphasizing the need for this study.
The purpose of this cross-sectional study is threefold:
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Examine the variance in negative feelings, perceived stress levels, and stressors experienced by female and male farmers.
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Compare the coping strategies employed by female and male farmers to manage stress, identifying potential similarities and disparities in coping mechanisms.
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Investigate the influence of gender on suicidal ideation.
Our main hypotheses are as follows:
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Women farmers are likely to report higher levels of stress, experience different types of stressors, and utilize coping mechanisms more frequently than their male counterparts.
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Women farmers are also more inclined to contemplate suicide.
Through this study, we aim to shed light on the gender-specific stressors and coping mechanisms within the farming community, providing valuable insights for addressing mental health challenges in this population.