Qualitative results
We assessed mothers’ social environment to identify a) individuals that are present in mother’s social environment, and b) speech and non-speech sounds that reflect mothers’ interactions, support, and other social domains (Table 1). Codes in parenthesis correspond to the qualitative reference number for the quotes provided in Additional file 1.
Based on the qualitative interviews, a typical day started at around 6 AM in the morning, and would include either taking care of the baby, e.g. changing or breastfeeding, and household chores that included making morning tea for the family. Mid-morning usually included preparing meals for the family. Usually husbands in a nuclear family, and older female family members, such as mothers-in-law, and sisters-in-law, took up infant’s caretaking roles when mothers were busy with household chores. Mid-morning to noon usually included washing dishes after breakfast, washing clothes, and cleaning. In the afternoons, mothers usually rested with the baby and watched television or YouTube videos. This was also the time she interacted with female family members, neighbors, and friends; male household members were typically out of the house working or socializing during this time of day. However, female family members were present at the home throughout the day and interacted in the afternoon after household chores, and around afternoon tea. Some mothers shared using their mobile phones to call distant family and friends during the afternoon. Evenings were much like mornings with mothers cooking and washing dishes until 7 or 8 PM. A typical day would end with mothers putting the baby to sleep, and spend time talking to her husband or family members. Mothers would then go to sleep with their infants, with co-sleeping being common. When it came to family members, mornings and evenings were the most social time where the family came together to eat meals.
Social Interactions
In the qualitative interviews, mothers described their social interactions throughout the day. We coded the qualitative accounts for potential sources of audio stimuli that could be associated with presence and quality of these interactions.
Adult positive and negative social interactions
Positive social interaction was strongly related to mother’s increased comfort and trust of family members. Adult conversations were often on matters related to childcare (Social interaction code #1 (SOC_01). Besides immediate family members, mothers also interacted with their neighbors. This interaction was usually centered around the babysitting or playing with the infant (SOC_02). Although non-family members were involved periodically in these roles, mothers spent most of her time interacting with immediate family members. Negative social interactions such as yelling and screaming were reported in households where husbands or family members had alcohol use problems (SOC_03). In such households, besides increased negative interactions, there were limited positive adult sounds (laughter, adult conversations) since mothers expressed limiting their conversations even when the family members were sober. Mothers were also likely to turn their mobile phones off when there were arguments at home.
Therefore, audio stimuli that can predict positive social interactions include adult conversations, gender-specific conversations, laughter while negative sounds such can adult yelling, screaming, crying can mean negative interactions.
Mother-Child positive and negative interactions
Most positive mother - child interactions mentioned were of mother playing with the infant (SOC_04). Mothers expressed joy and satisfaction when they played with their baby often with toys and rattles and heard their baby laughing or babbling (SOC_05). Besides direct interaction, mothers enjoyed taking pictures and videos of the baby. Negative mother-child interaction often remained unreported in recorded interviews because mothers feared they would be considered bad mothers if they said they beat or yelled at their children. These incidents were reported in observational tool assessments and field notes. Through observational tool assessments, HOME and OMCI, we also observed mother’s speech (items 2-8), physical punishment (items 12, 16), and hostile speech (items 14, 15, 17, 18) as sounds present in the social environment. Similarly, OMCI also gave information on mother positive and negative speech (items 1-6, 8-11), along with positive and negative infant reaction (items 14-16), such as laughing, babbling, squealing, when with mothers.
Therefore, adult sounds like mother’s speech, laughter in conjugation with child babbling or child laughter can be an indication of positive-mother child interaction. Negative mother – child interaction can include audio stimuli such as mother screaming and crying along with child crying and screaming. Non-speech sounds such as baby rattles and toys along with adult sounds and infant-related sounds can be an indication of mother-child interaction.
Support
We explored this domain as supportive or non-supportive outcomes of social interactions. Unlike interaction, we studied support beyond the mere presence or absence of certain sounds in mother’s environment. In this domain, we explored constellations of sounds, or combination of sounds that predicted supportive or burdensome social environment for the mother.
Emotional support and burden
Family members were the primary source of emotional support, especially husbands. Mothers generally considered “talking about her feelings” or “sharing problems with her family” an important coping mechanism (Support Code #1, SUPP_01). Integrating mothers’ conversations with family members and positive sounds such as laughter, singing can predict mothers’ emotional environment. Besides family, neighbors and health care professionals were other important sources of emotional support (SUPP_02). The role of neighbors and health care professionals was even more prominent when the mother had strained family relationships, and less emotional support from family members. Frequent conversations of mothers with members outside of the family, infant sounds (laughing, crying, squealing) along with adult sounds of non-family members, and positive/negative adult sounds (laughter, crying) could be indication of mothers seeking support outside of the family members.
Another important prediction of mother’s emotional burden can be social isolation. Isolation or no social interaction was prevalent among mother who were generally worried about the future of their children, either because of financial difficulty or family problems. If family members were the primary source of stress, mothers were not comfortable sharing these thoughts with their family members. This emotional burden also led to mothers feeling negatively about the baby, especially when the baby did not sleep or cried a lot. A complete lack of human speech for a prolonged period of time can be an indication of social isolation (SUPP_03, SUPP_04). Presence of machine-generated speech sounds such as TV/radio without human speech for a prolonged period of time could be another important indication of isolation.
Hence, audio stimuli that predict emotional support or burden can be positive and negative adult speech sounds (conversations, laughter, singing, crying, yelling), frequent adult speech sounds (family members, non-family members), along with complete absence of speech sounds, or presence of machine-generated speech sounds (such as TV, radio) without adult speech sounds.
Instrumental support
Two kinds of instrumental support were important – childcare support and support in household chores. In nuclear families, husbands were strongly involved in providing instrumental support to their wives, but older female members such as mother-in-law and sister-in-law in joint families were equally engaged (SUPP_05). To understand instrumental support better, audio data can be used to predict mother’s speech sounds along with that of the family members within the house, especially around infant sounds (child crying, child laughing, babbling) indicating childcare support, or household chores sounds (washing, doing dishes, sweeping) indicating support in household chores.
Much like emotional support, instrumental support was hindered when the mother did not have good relationship with the family members. The family relationship and role of family in instrumental care were critical mostly because most mothers only trusted family members to take care of the baby in their absence. Strong family involvement was even more critical in case of young mothers who were generally inexperienced in childcare and had to learn it either experientially or through demonstration by other family members. If either of these did not happen, mothers had significant instrumental burden to take care of the baby. If the family members did not support her in household chores, she had to take care of her child on top of her regular household after childbirth. The lack of instrumental support meant mother was constantly involved in taking care of the child as well as household chores.
We can record the lack of instrumental care by assessing the amount of household chores sounds (cooking, washing, sweeping) and infant-related sounds (breastfeeding, child bathing, oil massaging, child laughing, babbling, crying) in a typical day, especially a comparison of these sounds alone and in combination with adult speech sounds, which might indicate presence of other adults. Another way to get a snapshot of mother’s social environment is through observation tools. For instance, HOME item 20 asks about childcare support provided by one of the three regular substitutes, and HOME item 41 explores the role of the father in providing at least some form of childcare daily.
Therefore, instrumental support or burden can be understood through positive and negative speech sounds (adult conversations, adult laughter, adult yelling, crying) in conjugation with child sounds (child babbling, child laughter, oil massaging, child bathing), or household sounds (washing, sweeping, cooking).
Informational support
Given adolescent mothers’ lack of experience in childcare, informational support is another important supportive outcome of social interactions. Family members were crucial in providing instrumental support both in young mothers’ maternal home (father, mother, sister), and husband’s home (mother-in-law, father-in-law, sister-in-law). Young mothers generally needed support in feeding the baby, bathing and oil massaging. Culturally in Nepal, oil massaging is a big part of infant’s growth and development, and one in which mother needed the most support. Demonstration (SUPP_06) by an older female member (mother-in-law, mother, sister, sister-in-law) along with informational support (SUPP_07, SUPP_08) was significant in supporting young mothers. An important way to capture the informational support could be adult conversations within household in conjugation with infant-related sounds (child bathing, breastfeeding, oil massaging). Very few mothers (n=4) said they learned to take care of the baby without any external informational support from family members, friends, or health care professionals (SUPP_09). Almost all mothers had some form of informational support, primarily from family members, but also from health care professionals (n=8) and neighbors (n=6). Therefore, we can have a better understanding of mother’s information support system outside of the family if we collect passive audio data that captures mother’s conversations with non-family members, especially conversations with health care professionals.
Therefore, positive adult speech sounds (adult conversations, laughter) and frequent adult speech sounds (family members, non-family members) along with infant-related sounds (child bathing, breastfeeding, oil massaging) can indicate informational support.
Other social domains
We explored other common domains of mothers’ social environment for better understanding of speech and non-speech noises that constitute these phenomena.
Recreation
Young mothers were very comfortable using mobile phones to watch YouTube videos or use social media, mostly Facebook and IMO (a messaging application popular in the study area) (Other domains code #1, OTH_01). Additionally, mothers often recorded videos on their phones or transferred and played songs/videos from their friends or family member’s phones for recreation. Smartphones were important to the mothers for recreation, either to listen to songs or engage in conversations with family and friends through messaging applications (OTH_02). Mothers also used messaging app and smartphones to talk to husbands who were away for employment. Mothers also had audio alerts on their phones when they received instant messages.
Social or religious events
Social and religious events were a big part of mothers’ environment. These events constituted of religious functions, characterized by bells, singing bowl, religious instruments or social functions like marriage, with musical instruments and wedding bands. In both the events, frequent and multiple adult human speech can indicate presence of many people in the surrounding.
Physical and sporting activities
Movement or physical activity was a big part of adolescent mothers’ lives. Bicycling and walking around the neighborhood were pretty common when running errands. Some mothers mentioned walking recreationally, to reduce mental stress. Movement was highly restricted for the first few months of childbirth for both physical and cultural reasons. Culturally, new mothers are often asked to stay home at least the first six months of childbirth to facilitate breastfeeding and reduce the risk of infections. Environmental noises suggestive of outdoor activities include vehicles, birds, domestic animals, whistles, and activity sounds (bicycling and walking sounds).
Stressful events
Some mothers described that violence was also a part of their lives. The mothers reporting violence were most likely to attribute this to husbands. For these mothers, there was a long-term exposure to violence often starting early in the marriage, throughout pregnancy and post-childbirth (OTH_03). In terms of her social environment, speech (adults arguing, crying, screaming, yelling) and non-speech (objects thrashing, hitting) could provide some indication of violence and disruptive family behaviors. Frequency and amount of these exposures in mother’s environment can provide stronger evidence of stressful events in her surroundings.
Pilot passive audio data collection
In our pilot study, we wanted to determine if we could successfully collect passive audio data from adolescent mothers and whether this data could give preliminary insights into the mothers’ social environment. We successfully collected 14 days of audio data using the EBM app installed (with their knowledge) on the mobile phones provided to them. We were able to use a pre-trained machine learning model to predict sound categories (speech, vehicle, music etc.). Finally, we were able to determine the most common sounds in mothers’ social environment along with the distribution of these sounds throughout the day.
Table 2: Sounds accuracy
|
True Speech
|
True Non-speech
|
Speech
|
157 (73.0%)
|
58 (23.0%)
|
Non-speech
|
133 (61.9%)
|
82 (38.1%)
|
A total of 319 categories of sounds were identified in 7725 audio clips collected from 23 participants each recruited to participate for 14 days. About 42.7 % (n=2318) of the sounds were human speech sounds, 35.4% and 6.3% music and vehicle respectively. A manual validation of the speech sound (n = 215) showed 73% of the machine-predicted speech sounds were true speech sounds (Table 2). Of all the machine predicted non-speech sounds 62% were speech sounds.
Table 3: The most common 10 sounds categorized
|
Frequency
|
Percent
|
Speech
|
2318
|
42.67
|
Music
|
1920
|
35.34
|
Vehicle
|
340
|
6.26
|
Organ
|
184
|
3.39
|
Rail transport
|
143
|
2.63
|
Tubular bells
|
131
|
2.41
|
Fire
|
125
|
2.30
|
Bus
|
101
|
1.86
|
Car
|
89
|
1.64
|
Insect
|
82
|
1.51
|
Total
|
5433
|
100
|
Machine-predicted speech sounds were uniformly distributed throughout the day (Figure 1). We also assessed music and vehicle noises throughout the day. Music was consistently present throughout the day (range 21% to 29%), while vehicle noises were more prevalent in the morning (range 4% to 10%) than during the day (range 4% to 6%), or evening (range 3% to 6%). Table 3 shows the ten most commonly predicted sounds.
Figure 1 shows the average distribution of speech, music, and vehicle sounds from 4 AM to 9 PM each day
Table 4: Other audio social sounds and their prediction frequency
Other Audio social sounds
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
|
Child speech
|
9
|
0.12
|
Male singing
|
7
|
0.09
|
Whispering
|
7
|
0.09
|
Whimper
|
4
|
0.05
|
Babbling
|
3
|
0.04
|
Female singing
|
3
|
0.04
|
Female speech
|
3
|
0.04
|
Child singing
|
2
|
0.03
|
Children playing
|
2
|
0.03
|
Male speech
|
2
|
0.03
|
Children shouting
|
1
|
0.01
|
Finally, we also tried collecting audio stimuli that could be strong predictors of the social environment. Since we used YouTube trained machine learning, these nuanced sounds were not detected frequently, and could not therefore be used as strong predictors of social environment. Table 4 shows the audio stimuli predicted by YouTube trained machine learning. These audio stimuli were not manually validated.