In this section, we continue to build the analytical framework (social pendulum) based on socio-geometric constructs developed in the previous sections. The construct is then designated as the model, which helps us develop projections of the situation under the ‘old normal’ (without the policy of containment) and the ‘new normal’ (under the policy of containment) in the context of COVID-19, and probable future pandemics. While taking this trajectory, we explore different ways the social geometry model could offer insights for analysis and design of an effective PHI in the management of future pandemics in densely populated informal settlements.
Rejection Factors: Vulnerabilities of Slum Residents
Within the realm of the model, we will therefore explore five policy scenarios (what-if) that are likely to have implications on the susceptibility of the residents of informal settlement to the future pandemics; epidemiological characteristics of the COVID-19, quality of housing, household air pollution, migratory behavior of residents, and social safety nets.
The epidemiological characteristics (transmission and infectivity profile) of COVID-19 remains uncertain. Indeed, SARS-CoV-2 has been found to exhibit high transmissibility potential- estimated to be between 2.2 – 3.11, significantly larger than 1 (Zhao et al. 2020; Fis Majumder et al. 2014; Read et al. 2020). COVID 19 generally carries the course of mild to no clinical symptoms during the incubation period that may last up to 3 weeks, making these people capable of continuing with their daily routines and spreading the infection unperturbed to the unsuspecting population. Other studies have reported that oro-fecal transmission may also be possible (Danchin et al. 2020). Therefore, as projected by our model, suppressive policies such as staying at home, and banning non-essential travels can significantly reduce the reproduction rate of the virus. However, although these measures can play crucial role in controlling transmission, the predisposition of slum residents to risk factors such as lack of sanitary facilities and overcrowding are likely to increase their vulnerabilities to an outbreak or even high number of comorbidities. Even to the larger population, these suppressive measures Kenya has adopted caries a risk of a second wave of the disease outbreak. This implies that for any PHI to have long-term impact on the population, the framework must be implemented in tandem with other socio-economic measures. In efforts to address the limitations of mitigation and suppression measures, various predictive mathematical models for epidemics have been proposed. They include SIR (Susceptible, Infection, Recovered) and SERS (Susceptible, Infection, Recovered, Susceptible) models, which describe individuals through three mutually exclusive stages of infection: susceptible, infected and recovered, SEIR (susceptible, exposed, infectious, and recovered) model that considers post-infection incubation period in which an exposed individual is not infectious, mass-action SIR model, and Edge-based compartmental model (Giordano et al. 2020). It is however, important to note that these models only represent the epidemiological profiling of pandemics, future PHI must stress the need to create a wholistic approach in the management of infectious diseases.
In the event that the policy of containment is enforced in the foreseeable future pandemics, our analysis suggests that outbreak prevention in informal settlement will do relatively little to prevent transmission of the pandemic, provided that 65% of the 4 million people living in Nairobi continues to reside in the informal settlement. This observation has been reinforced by previous studies on why any public policy in informal settlement cannot succeed, unless the issue of population density is adequately addressed (UN HABITAT 2019). It is a combination of factors, however, central to this is the quality of housing in the informal settlement. Challenges facing slum residents in Nairobi are numerous, ranging from small dwelling, high population density, pollution, shared facilities, multi-generational households and lack of clean water. This observation is consistent with recent studies that found out that within the informal settlement there are higher levels of intra and inter social mixing, poor environmental conditions, transient residence, and less regard to human well-beings that makes slum residents highly vulnerable to infectious diseases (Emina et al. 2011). The implementation of containment policy, however, is likely to have an acute negative effect on slum residents who live in makeshift single-roomed units made from corrugated iron or mad and often serve as the kitchen, bedroom and sitting room for a multi-generational family. The double tragedy for the residents is that, not only are they vulnerable to various forms of transmitted diseases given the quality of housing they live in; but it is also very difficult for them to implement government policies especially those that require adherence to spatial distancing. Thus, future implementation of the policy of containment becomes a function of risk as to whether such policies will prevent transmission of a pandemic or will in fact accelerate intra-house transmissions. Our analysis is consistent with Gibson et al. (2019), who argue that lack of access to public housing, and regular income has turned the residents into paupers who find themselves in the bustling cities. Public accountability has been compromised, thus, as projected by our model, control of local transmission might not be possible using an intervention mechanism that do not take into account the socio-economic dynamics of the residents in informal settlement.
In regard to household air pollution (HAP), our analysis show that under business-as-usual (before the policy of containment), the movement of residents away from the nuclei of the community (as illustrated in Figure 3A), would decongest households while at the same time maintaining social closeness. Hence, reducing the risk of establishing the pandemic through intra-house transmission. However, the trend changes with introduction of containment, as residents are compelled to swing inwardly leading to sudden drop in the quality of indoor air. This policy-induced behaviour should be taken as a warning sign that if a PHI is to reach the WHO acceptable quality of air free of indoor pollutants and other hazardous substances, government regulations and budgetary allocations should be accelerated to improve both indoor and outdoor air conditions. According to our model’s projection-without addressing the social geometries of life (inequalities, abject poverty, poor physical planning and poor housing), feasibility of an effective PHI in the foreseeable future is in doubt. Even for the current COVID-19, for a downward trend in transmission to be achieved, especially for asymptomatic cases, poorly ventilated housing structures in informal settlement should be addressed. Otherwise, scenario illustrated in Figure 3B will increase the vulnerabilities of residents at the same time complicate the implementation, as containment would mean, stress on sanitary facilities, pressure on spatial space, and increased indoor pollution. However, if the preventive effect of containment and other social control policies reduces significantly due to civil disobedience by slum residents, the state might establish other alternative measures such as compulsory quarantine and total lock-down, which could become unattainable when the number of infected individuals exceeds the capacity of health-care facilities. In the event that suppression of the slum residents by the state fails, and the scenario in Figure 3A remains intact, the lack of alternative means of survival compels the residents rely on air quality compromised lighting and cooking facilities (use of old rugs, and plastics). Our model, which examined hypothetical behaviour of residents under two different conditions (3A and 3B), showed that for the baseline scenario (without policy of containment), voluntary self-isolation would be effective, especially where access to sanitary facilities is limited. However, the caveat here is that, the PHI should be one that has the capability to mitigate intrahousehold transmission from index cases to contacts.
The continually spiking percentage of transmission of COVID-19 infections in the country despite instituting the policy of containment suggests that there are other intervening factors, whereby the “unknown” factors contributing to transmission averts the effectiveness of the social control measures. The effect of school closure, work-from-home and other mobility restrictions were comparatively promising. The assumptions by the Kenyan Ministry of Health was that by “containing” people in their homes, they would then redirect investment towards quarantining those infected as an ultimate measure of controlling further transmission. However, asymptomatic cases that accounted for 80% of the infected population, unfortunately turn out to be a significant contributor to the transmission. The challenge, however, was the identification of such individuals, and especially in informal settlement where residents exhibit irregular migratory behaviour. This lifestyle is unique feature of slum residents, who exhibit pendulum-like swings in search of food, job opportunities, new networks, escaping the scourge of hunger and domestic quarrels. The swing is also a sign of personal safety and security. Our model point to the potentially high transmissibility given the irregular migratory behaviour of slum residents. Factors contributing to this susceptibility are many: the mode of transport is a concern since many slum residents in Nairobi rely on public means of transport that are characterized by crammed mini-busses and vans (matatus) often for long distances making this form of mobility a perfect vector for the spread of respiratory diseases. But even after the government announced countermeasures to curb the spread of the disease, still slum residents are inadvertently affected.
Most of the slum residents are daily wage earners either from low paying jobs or from petty businesses. Most of them, unlike other well-earning city residents, can hardly save any money to cushion them in time of disasters. This means, the containment policy would either leave them to starve to death or some would be forced to break the lockdown rules in search of income. The government cash -transfer for the poor and food portions have not been effective especially, due to clandestine networks that operate in informal settlements. This is in line with our model’s projection that inequalities give rise to differences and conflict in status and sometimes influences important decisions such as resources allocation and distribution. An effective PHI should therefore make use of existing inter and intra relationships; how often people in a locality interact, scope of their interaction, and the length of their relationship (Black 1976: 40-41), determines whether such policies succeed or rejected.
To achieve this, our study suggests, rather than curtailing people from livelihood swings (movement), an effective PHI should aim at; 1) closing the swing loop (in other words, provide the needed basic requirements to the residents, including watering point, movement corridors, sanitizers, and indoor ventilation facilities); and 2) intervene just-in-time and space (JITS). JITS, aims at minimising overcrowding by ensuring that the PHI is provided wherever the immigrants are found along the swing path-way. However, the PHI should recognize that intervening on the basis of JITS may not necessarily be the panacea for preventing the transmission of a pandemic, because this is a logistic intensive process that depends on the efficiency of the existing public health infrastructure and other collaborating institutions. In the world of public policy, the delays in decision and lack of provision of supportive facilities to migratory population may actually lead to spikes in transmission of an infectious disease, leading to a potential humanitarian disaster. Previous studies that have examined other control measure beyond the draconian ones (containment and lockdown), recommend effective monitoring and surveillance capabilities (Ng et al. 2020). This mitigation strategy was deployed in Macau, China and Taiwan. In the foreseeable future where the policy of containment fails, this would enable government agencies to trace contact as well as regulate the movement of potentially infected individuals, will assist in early detection, treatment, and efficient data collection. In line with our model’s projection-informal settlements lack designated entry and exit points, with ‘containment’, it becomes extremely difficult for individuals to know who resides in which house and general suspicion of government activities and a sense of solidarity affects information gathering.
Finally, our analysis establishes that social safety nets, when used in combination with changes in the above policies, have the potential of mitigating transmission of future pandemics. As per our model projection- lack of social security measures such as health insurance coverage can be exacerbated through societal inequalities, job insecurities given that most of the residents rely on daily livelihoods without pension. Social control measures instituted under the policy of containment included casual workers from informal settlement being subjected to compulsory leave days, yet there is no guarantee that one would be recalled back after the pandemic is over. For those who are into the private sector, the majority are absorbed into low-earning, high-risk jobs like waste recycling, street vending, and artisanship. The state brutality executed through police force, meant that the slum residents violates social control measures in order to earn a living. However, in this study, we observe that for future pandemics, if the preventive validity of social safety nets is to be enhanced, the PHI framework should be integrated with these patterns of livelihoods. But also, the PHI framework should embody a social sensitivity (gender, age and socio-economic status). These social sensitivities should be an integral part of the future response strategy to pandemics. Our observation concurs with JP Morgan’s (cited in Mail online 2020) findings that the falling infection rates after countries lifted lockdowns suggest that the COVID-19 has its own dynamics, which are unrelated to often inconsistent lockdown measures. Related to this is the question of social injustice. The declaration by the Ministry of Education for all schools to shift to online learning as part of the containment policy, was yet another burden to the slum residents. Previous studies have clearly shown how the Kenyan education system perpetrate inequalities across the entire ecosystem-staff, facilities and equipment (Alwy and Schech 2007). Although previous studies show that school and workplace closures could moderately reduce the transmission of influenza and delay the peak of an epidemic (Koo et al. 2020), our model projection shows that enforcement of such draconian policies could trigger structural inequalities, hence, magnifying the already existing societal imbalances; a factor that account for the high economic hardship and social distress during and post-COVID-19 era. Thus, what constitutes the most suitable PHI framework for informal settlement?
Decision Matrix: How to Select the Most Suitable PHI
In this paper, we also wanted to understand how the variables (henceforth referred to as “risk factors”) in Figure 3 would be affected by various PHI policies (containment, lockdown and social pendulum) on pair wise ranking technique. The severity of the “risk factors” is based on the discourse analysis (literature review) of the same factors in the preceding section. The ranking would then facilitate decision making in selecting the most effective policy in managing future pandemics. On this technique, the most effective policy is one with the highest frequency of the “Green” label, while the “Red” would symbolize inappropriate or potentially harmful policy intervention. To be precise, for the three policy options, the 16 items were compared in the decision matrix (Table 1) such that the rankings generated the prescribed policy option.
The number of times a “risk factor” had been found to be most affected by a particular “reagent” (policy option) was determined by counting the number of times a distinct color appeared in the decision matrix (“Red”, “Yellow” or “Green”). Each one of the “reagents” were mutually exclusive. The assumption here is that the “reagents” (policy options) would be introduced at different times to the same group of people. Residents’ reaction would vary according to the reagent’s effect. The outcome of the decision matrix facilitated the construction of Table 2, with each “risk factor” being compared against the three policy options. Thus “Containment” was compared first with “Lockdown.” We deduced that “containment” induced the least (1 out of the possible 16), “High risk factor” compared to “Lock down”, which generated the highest (13 out of possible 16) “High risk” factors followed by “social pendulum” with three “High risk” factors. In line with our model projection, if movement restrictive policies, such as containment and lockdown, are instituted, most of the items would indicate “High risk” and “Medium risk.” However, infrastructure, and collectivism seem not trigger “High risk” on the same policy. Interestingly, ‘infrastructure’, ‘collectivism’ and ‘asymptomatic’ factors would actually change to “High risk” if the social pendulum was to be adopted as the policy option for managing a pandemic. The policy option recording the highest number of risk factors, is considered to be the least preferred option. In this case, “Lock down”, appear to record the highest (13) in the matrix than any other policy option (Table 2). Hence, the public health officials and government authorities would be advised to be cautious of a “Lockdown” as a PHI.
Table 2: Ranking the Policy Options
Policy Option
|
High Risk
|
Medium Risk
|
Low Risk
|
Score
|
Rank
|
Containment
|
1
|
15
|
0
|
1
|
3
|
Lockdown
|
13
|
0
|
3
|
13
|
1
|
Social Pendulum
|
3
|
1
|
12
|
3
|
2
|
Source: Authors’ Construct. Table 2 is a derivative of Table 1, the former ‘matrixed’ the reaction of the three policy interventions against the 16 items (“factors”) considered risk in the informal settlement
In line with our model projection, “Lock down” policy option was considered to be the most ‘problematic.’ From Table 2, it is emerging that, although the social pendulum option generated the highest number (12 out of 16) of “Low risk” factors, its adoption would have to consider two structural factors: First, if it is adopted as a solitary PHI, it is likely to put pressure on existing outdoor infrastructure (watering points, roads, and other public amenities) and contribute to outdoor pollution. Secondly, the epidemiological management of the asymptomatic condition among the residents will be crucial. As illustrated in the decision matrix (Table 1), this “risk factor” is likely to be highest for both “Containment” and “Lock down” policies. Although, it would indicate “Medium risk” for social pendulum, this shows how complicated it can be to control the spread of the disease when residents are asymptomatic.
In the event all the three policy options fail to curb community transmission through asymptomatic individuals, a combination of interventions should be integrated in the PHI, including surveillance, school closure, work place spatial distancing. In a recent study, Qun and his colleagues recommended that in situation of a persistent asymptomatic conditions, potential secondary control response strategies should be part of the intervention (Qun et al. 2020). In line with our model projection, prevalence of future pandemics will be mainly driven by the resident’s access or lack of access to sanitary facilities, social safety nets and appropriate urban planning that accommodates the unique behaviour of people living in informal settlement.
Given the conditions under which slum residents live, it is important at this juncture to try and address the central concern of this paper, what does the ‘containment’ mean for the vulnerable population in the informal settlements? What would therefore be the most suitable PHI framework for managing future pandemics? The idea of “social pendulum” is based on the theoretical typologies of social geometry that considers the social, economic and political factors, as key determinants of health in the informal settlement.
Social Pendulum: An Alternative Framework?
The socio-geometric building blocks discussed in the foregoing sections indicates that such constructs can shed some light on the human behavior and what type of PHI would be ideal for informal settlement. We would like to emphasize here that effective PHI has to consider context and behavioral characteristics of the residents. The framework we propose here (‘social pendulum’) is based upon the philosophy of social science that requires search for meaning and explanations that predict human behavior and the social consequences of actions and actors. Therefore, a scientific explanation is required to explain how an effective intervention works and not necessarily cause-effect explanations. In explaining the validity of such an explanation to an intervention, it is important to consider how much the public can benefit and not how much the explanations exclude other explanations or theories that could also provide an alternative explanation of how human behavior is altered by changes in social geometry. In any case, such perspectives may provide useful explanations for explaining other social geometries of life.
The whole process of applying social geometry to PHI is one of intense interactive relationship, therefore all the dimensions involved must be structured to offer support to each other. The interaction between the dimensions is conducted through the intercourse of both technical and bureaucratic actors. This self-reinforcing mechanism between actors and the process acts within a social space framework. In other words, the pandemic has a social dimension a rising from different classes of socio-economic inequalities and social distances. The ‘urbanites’ and, especially, the slum residents’ (henceforth referred here as slumites), behavior and cultural values strongly influence whether a PHI will be accepted or rejected. For instance, slumites who are socially close to each other will handle the pandemic differently than those who are socially distant. The PHI may decide to follow this pattern of behavior or simply impose a generic scheme designed without considering the contextual dynamics. These social characteristics of the public health officials determines the outcome of an intervention. The actions and behaviours of both the slumites and the public health officials can all be conceptualized as changes in social geometry. In this light, ‘containment’ policy by the Kenyan government that was instituted to prevent transmission of COVID19 is viewed as a conflict that is caused by changing social geometry. In the social space parlance, such changes are labelled deviant behavior-downward-upward, because they alter the social geometry balance of power in a community. On this account, it is plausible to argue that ‘containment’ policy disrupted the structure of slumites in different directions, location and distance. As observed by Black (2011:6), the severity of this disruption is a direct function of the magnitude of the change. On the basis of this explanation, it is reasonable to observe that the containment policy gave rise to different forms of social geometries.
It is therefore necessary to analyze the importance of these socio-geometric (im)balances with the aim of reimagining an effective PHI in the management of future pandemics.
Geometry and form. The analysis and the design of an effective PHI should allow the stakeholders to see how the relationship fits together, and how the intervention serves the intended function of preventing transmission of the pandemic (COVID-19). As discussed earlier, form suggests how such a structure should be designed in order to ensure residents trust public health officials and they feel socially close to them.
Geometry and style. Ideally, the explanation and the design of an effective PHI should be able to account for the unintended consequences of the intervention. An important consideration is that, when containment of collective communities in the informal settlement is increases the flow of people inwardly, the risk levels goes high. To avert this, the PHI should trigger outward swings, which eventually increase social closeness of the slumites. The closer the social distance, the more likely the homogenous group will collaborate with public health officials in instituting the PHI. As earlier illustrated in Figure 3B, spatial distance has minimal influence on survival of slum communities, because they can still retain connections through social networks.
Geometry and quantity. one of the principles of ethnomethodology is that the interpretation of the intervention should be bestowed upon the affected population. Since cultural distance can be a hindrance to public health officials, this can be checked by examining how the slumites’ treat their acquaintances vs strangers. For example, if the attitude of the host community treats the existence of strangers as an intruder, then the likelihood of harsh judgement and rejection of an intervention is high. The interventionists should then integrate tolerance factor in their design. Ideally, the design should “grow” closer relations with the host population. This observation is supported by Black’s (1998) and Cooney and Phillips (2017) views that when efforts are made to ‘normalize’ relationship, people that would otherwise develop hostility against foreigners turn out to be ‘friendly’ and exercise tolerance.
Multidimensional geometry. An understanding of the urban socio-cultural structures and their functions in the community helps the interventionists to make sense of people’s preferred approach to solving their problems, such as why the opinion leaders blink the eye and turns the head away, rather than saying no. In analyzing and designing PHI, caution must be made to ensure no new problems are created. For example, one of the residents does no say no to the social distancing rules being articulated by a public health official, but rather blinks the eye and turns the head back. This behavioral manifestation provides confirmation that the intervention is likely to be rejected or cause harm to the residents. To make sense of this intergroup dynamics, Black (2004) analytical framework provides five elements that are useful to the design of public policy frameworks: 1) interventions should ensure high intimacy and interdependence between members; 2) the intervention should not alter social geometries; groups should maintain the social closeness; 3) the intervention should be functionally independent; 4) create or sustain cultural closeness among the population; and 5) groups can be separated by an intermediate degree of relational distance.
The above criterion is key in ensuring that the group configuration is intact and that the public health interventionists build up on the existing social geometries. However, with the complex nature of informal settlement, it is not feasible to have a ‘one-fit-all’ approach to PHI. Interventions that tend to degrade the solidarity and perpetrate inequality among the slumites are more likely to be rejected. Worse still, such an intervention may end up exacerbating the already underlying socio-economic vulnerabilities. In the foregoing discussion, the profile of slumites reveals that their pattern of livelihood is erratic (unpredictable), and their coping mechanisms and livelihood activities are multi-directional (see Figure 3A & 3B). As a result, the residents can hardly follow a systematic order of events, rather they are in constant swing. However, the movement (swing) is not linear, but the day to day needs pushes them to swing between their makeshift houses and the “unknown” destinations, and back. In this paper, the swings represent the socio-economic needs of the residents, while the makeshift houses represent the fixed points in an actual pendulum. Hence, we coin the notion ‘social pendulum’, figuratively to represent the PHI structure that is anchored on realities of the target population.
The idea of ‘social pendulum’ allows slumites to ‘swing’ freely depending on the time, available spatial space, location, distance, direction and access to livelihood opportunities. The swing also symbolizes the residents’ coping strategies against economic, social, and health risks associated with high concentration of people within a limited spatial space. As earlier demonstrated (see Figure 3A), an effective intervention should then be one that allows diffusion of the population away from the ‘community nuclei’ to other destinations. Essentially, our proposed model offers a canal path-way for decongesting the spatial space, at the same time sustaining social closeness of the slumites for their socio-economic survival. This ‘pendulum-like’ movement (see Figure 5) of people as they seek livelihood opportunities, has the potential of creating indoor spatial space, which in turn improves ventilation of housing structures. The infrastructure should allow for adequate spatial spacing. This is crucial in lessening the ecological exigency on sanitary facilities. These socio-environmental conditions are known to prevent spread of respiratory illness (Dianati et al. 2019).
Figure 5 summarizes the concepts, properties and the path ways of the new analytical framework for informing PHI in the management of future pandemics in informal settlement.
In conclusion, it is important to note that there is no theory of social geometry- certainly not a theory in public health. There are however, theories of public policy making (Birkland 2016; Kitschelt 1986) that rely on the underlying premises of social geometry. As demonstrated in our analysis the four key areas of convergence between the social geometry and public health domain are; social groups, decision making processes, institutions and socio-economic and political impact of policy on population. These ideas find a home in public policy (Kitschelt 1986), obviously with implications on PHI. Ideas and interventions not directly addressed by this paradigm can also be addressed by social geometry. But neither the social geometry nor our newly proposed framework-social pendulum, is a theory. What ‘social pendulum’ framework enables us to do is to shed new insight on ideas drawn from social geometry, taking into account the minimalistic nature of epidemiological theories that are not broad enough to address public health issues in population with unique settlement patterns such as slums. Therefore, the model presented in this paper and the proposed analytical framework are not presented as the absolute model for reference by public health interventionists, rather only a perspective that could be further developed to inform both research and practice in the management of future pandemics in less developed countries.