This large-scale census of children in two sites in Tamil Nadu found that 1.0% of children aged 5–17 years were parent-reported to have disabilities, as assessed through the UNICEF-Washington Group Child Module, and prevalence of functional difficulty was similar between boys and girls. The most prevalent reported functional impairments were being understood and walking. Sensory difficulties (seeing/hearing) or mental health concerns were less commonly reported, which may be because these are more difficult for a parent to recognise in their child. Childhood disability was largely un-related to socio-demographic features but was more prevalent in the Jawadhu Hills compared to Timiri. Children with disabilities were substantially less likely to be enrolled in school compared to children without disabilities (56.9% versus 90.5%). Across the cohort, school exclusion was most prevalent among children with disabilities and 12 + years old. However, the effect of functional difficulty on school exclusion was four times greater among younger children relative to older ones. There was no evidence of heterogeneity in the effect of functional difficulty by gender.
The prevalence of childhood disability of 1.0% reported in this study was lower than estimates from the World Report on Disability (5%) [3] or the Global Burden of Disease (11%) [32], as well as the 2011 India census estimates (1.5% of children aged 5–9 years and 1.8% of children 10–19 years)[17], which is already likely to provide an under-estimate of the true prevalence of disability [18]. These estimates covered children below 5, which may explain some of the discrepancy. It is higher than the India Health and Development Survey (2005), which found a prevalence of 0.37% in children 5–17 years using the Washington Group Short Set (which contains six functional domains rather than the 13 assessed in this study with the Washington-UNICEF Child Functioning Module [33]. A survey in Andhra Pradesh including 1,383 children aged 0–17 years used modules from the UNICEF-Washington Group module to obtain an estimated prevalence of childhood disability of 2.3% (1.4–3.7%) [26, 34]. Measures of behavioural difficulties (e.g. controlling behaviour, play) and mental health (worry) were not included in the Andhra Pradesh survey, which would have pushed the prevalence higher. The Andhra Pradesh survey also used clinical measures to estimate the prevalence of vision, hearing and/or physical impairment or epilepsy, which together affected 2.9% (2.1-4.0%) of children aged 0–17 years. In comparison, our low prevalence might be explained by subjective parent report in comparatively low-and-middle-income settings. Parental perceptions and understanding, their stage of acceptance of disability, and cultural norms can affect parent reporting of symptoms as evidenced from an Indian study [35]. Surveys from five geographically diverse populations in India have also reported higher prevalence than in the current study. A survey of 3,964 children aged 2–9 years found that 9.2% of children 2-<6 years and 13.6% of children 6–9 years had one of seven neurodevelopmental disorders (vison impairment, epilepsy, neuromotor impairments, hearing impairment, speech and language disorders, autism spectrum disorders, and/or intellectual disability) [19]. The higher prevalence of neurodevelopmental disorders might be due to additional screening and specific questionnaires used in that study. Consistent with our findings, there was no gender difference or socio-economic correlates of these conditions.
Other studies support our finding of the lower levels of school inclusion among children with disabilities compared to those without disabilities, including the 2011 census (school attendance 61% of children with disabilities and 71% of all children) [17] and the 2015 Andhra Pradesh study (51% versus 91%) [26, 34]. Similar to our finding that older children with disability are the most frequently non-enrolled in school, increased enrolment of children with disabilities in primary versus higher school levels were also shown in the census, [17] official government enrolment numbers [23], a 2018 national survey [36], and a case-control study in New Delhi [37]. However, our analysis allowed us to observe considerable heterogeneity in the impact of functional difficulty on school enrolment between age strata. Specifically, while all children with functional difficulty were less likely to be enrolled than children without disability, the effect of disability on school inclusion was most pronounced in the younger age group, demonstrating how disability can detrimentally impact the life course at an early stage, because educational exclusion will likely persist. In turn, we show this persistence by estimating the prevalence of non-enrolment to be highest among older children with functional difficulty.
Our examination of modification of the effect of functional difficulty on school non-enrolment highlights the importance of examining modification of effects on both multiplicative and additive scales [29]. For age, for example, it was important to show how much stronger the association between disability and non-enrolment is among younger children, but while the children most at risk of non-enrolment were older children with disabilities. Our analysis of the interaction between socioeconomic difficulty, disability, and school enrolment, suggest that there might be competing risks to non-enrolment. For children with disabilities from poorer backgrounds, although less likely to be in school than their better-off peers, their enrolment was less likely to be affected by their disability per se. However, while this is clear on the multiplicative scale, the non-statistically significant interaction on the additive scale warns against over-interpreting the policy implications.
Our current analysis shows that, though there is a considerable difference in enrolment between genders overall, there was no difference in the effect of functional difficulty on school enrolment of children based on gender. The 2018 survey and official enrolment numbers showed slightly higher enrolment of boys with disabilities compared to girls across most levels of schooling [36], while the New Delhi case-control study reported that primary school enrolment was more common in girls with disabilities compared to boys [38]. Household head education and socio-economic status appeared less relevant as correlates of school enrolment among children with disabilities in the New Delhi study [38]. In India and other settings, children with severe disabilities are less likely to be enrolled in school [39]. To address this gap, the Government of India has introduced the Sarva Sikhsha Abhiyan (SSA) where all children irrespective of disabilities can attend school education services [40]. Additional vulnerabilities as highlighted in this study should be addressed to achieve an optimum implementation.
In terms of strengths, this was a large study including 29,044 children identified through an exhaustive census activity. Disability was assessed using the UNICEF-Washington Group Child Functioning Module. Two contrasting sites were included – one rural and one tribal – allowing comparison of findings.
There are also important limitations to consider. The functional difficulty measure utilised caregiver reporting of difficulties, and reported disability may be subjective and not fully captured. Caregiver expectations of childhood functioning may be gendered, biasing comparisons between boys and girls. The educational measure was report-based and focussed on current school enrolment only and did not assess other important aspects of schooling, such as quality of education, educational attainment, social inclusion and freedom from violence and bullying. The World Report on Disability found that when children with disabilities did enrol in school, their dropout rates were higher and they were on average at a lower level of schooling for their age [3], and quality of schooling may be worse for children with disabilities [41]. Studies from India have also highlighted that although progress has been made, gaps in the provision of inclusive education remain, including in teacher training and provision of appropriate and adequate resources [42, 43]. Moreover, it is also known that children with disabilities often experience difficulties at school, such as being more likely to experience violence, whether physical, psychological, or sexual [44], and these measures were not captured in the study. Further, the correlates of educational enrolment used focussed on individual characteristics of the child (e.g. age, gender, household wealth) rather than features of the environment or school (e.g. accessible facilities, staff trained about disability, inclusive societal attitudes).
Implications for policy, practice, and research
This study demonstrated that the UNICEF-Washington Group Child Functioning Module could be implemented on a large-scale. It produced a relatively conservative estimate of disability, compared to previous reports in India, and so arguably may provide assessment of more severe functional difficulties, although further research is needed in other parts of the country to validate and to explore this issue. The individual questions on functioning allowed us to estimate prevalence in this context with minimal variation. It may be helpful to reduce the full number of questions to allow implementation in more time-constrained activities (e.g. census).
This evidence shows nearly half of children with disabilities are not enrolled in school in this area of Tamil Nadu, despite strong policy commitments made in India towards disability-inclusive education. Monitoring of inclusion therefore remains important, to assess whether these policies are being realised. This exclusion of children with disabilities from education is a violation of their rights. Moreover, education is important for all children, including those with disabilities in terms of improving future job opportunities and earnings, developing friendships and participating in society, and in low resource settings, access to school-based health and nutrition programmes [45]. Efforts are therefore needed to improve school enrolment of children with disabilities, although the evidence base on which interventions are effective to achieve this goal is currently limited [14, 15]. Attending school alone is insufficient, and further investigation is needed to assess the quality of the experience and educational outcomes for children with disabilities, to identify areas where further improvements are needed (e.g. accessibility of facilitates, expertise of teachers, resource allocation) [46]. Again, evidence is lacking on which interventions are effective at improving these broader educational outcomes for children with disabilities in LMICs [14, 15]. The limited data available focusses mostly on interventions that produce individual-level change (e.g. computer skills training of children with disabilities) rather than school/societal interventions (e.g. teacher training on disability, introduction of disability-inclusive educational policies) and so these large evidence gaps need to be addressed with high-quality research.