Search and selection
The search produced 5547 results. After duplicates were removed, 3889 articles underwent title and abstract screening, and 95 articles underwent full-text screening. Three met the inclusion criteria and were eligible for this QES. An additional two eligible studies were identified from reference mining of the included studies. The study selection process is represented in a PRISMA flow diagram (Fig. 1).
Description of included studies
The included studies reported qualitative responses from a total of 315 women and HCPs. All five studies report women's perspectives, including women of reproductive age, older women and those who underwent a CS.(27,29,44–46) Three studies reported the views of HCPs, including obstetricians, midwives, and nurses.(27,45,46) Four studies were carried out in Benin(27,44–46) and two in Mali(29,46). Studies were published between 2011 and 2020. Most studies employed primary qualitative methods(27,44,46), and two used mixed methods.(29,45) All studies collected data using semi-structured interviews, and some used additional data collection methods such as focus group discussions(29) and observations(44–46). Study contextual characteristics are summarised in Table 2.
Table 2: Summary of Study Characteristics of the Included Studies
Authors/
(date)
|
Review Aim
|
Dates of study duration
|
Study setting
|
Country (World Bank status)(56,57)
|
Sample size and characteristics
|
Methods of data collection and analysis
|
Dossou et al. (45) (2018).
|
To understand how context impacts policy implementation in regard to the user fee exemption policy in Benin.
|
Data collection: 2012 - 2013
|
Public and private facilities implementing the free CS3 policy
|
Benin (lower-middle-income)
|
24
Policymakers, implementers, patients, and community representatives.4
|
Semi-structured interviews, observations in implementing facilities
Thematic analysis
|
Dossou et al. (27) (2020).
|
To understand why and under which circumstances the implementation of Benin’s user fee exemption policy for CS succeeded or failed.
|
Data collection: March 2012- March 2013
|
Faith-based hospital (non-state-owned) and public hospital (state-owned)
|
Benin (lower-middle-income)
|
44
Faith-based hospital: 15 hospital managers and HCPs5, 6 community representatives6, 6 women who underwent CS.
Public hospital: 8 hospital managers and HCPs, 3 community representatives, 6 women who underwent CS.
|
Semi-structured interviews.
Thematic analysis
|
El-Khoury et al. (29) (2011).
|
To explore the effects of removing user fees on access to CS in Mali and to identify remaining barriers particular for poorer women.
|
Data collection: December 2009 -February 2010
|
Public facilities implementing the free CS policy
|
Mali (low-income)
|
162
54 married women (aged 15-49) who gave birth in a health facility, 38 married women (aged 15-49) who gave birth outside a health facility, 59 women aged over 50, 11 women who underwent CS
|
Focus group discussions, semi-structured interviews with women who underwent CS
No data on the analysis method
|
Lange et al. (2016). (44)
|
To explore how the user fee exemption policy shaped health workers and patient’s perceptions with quality of care and to identify remaining barriers to treatment.
|
Data collection: 2012- July 2013
|
Five referral hospitals including 2 case study hospitals (A and B).
Hospital A: Located in the north near the Nigerian border, in an urban centre. Draws patients from rural and urban areas hundreds of kilometres away and sometimes across the border.
Hospital B: HCPs on strike during observations. The strike was officially “unlimited without a minimum service.”
|
Benin (lower-middle-income)
|
62
Women who underwent CS within the past 30 days in the five referral hospitals. 6 women per site
32 additional interviews with women from case study hospitals with women who had either a CS, near miss or uncomplicated birth
|
Semi-structured interviews, observations in maternity and labour wards.
Thematic analysis
|
Schantz et al. (46) (2020).
|
To understand how and why CS are performed under the user fee exemption policies in Benin and Mali.
|
Data collected: January 2017 - July 2017
|
Four health facilities in Benin, 5 facilities in Mali – with a diversity of contexts: district/provincial, rural/urban and private/public facilities.
|
Mali (low-income) and Benin (lower-middle- income)
|
23
6 midwives, 11 obstetricians, 6 women who underwent CS
|
Participant observation, semi-structured interviews
Thematic analysis
|
Context of Benin and Mali
All studies identified were conducted in Benin and Mali, as these were the only countries to implement free CS policies not part of a broader user fee exemption policy.(24) Benin and Mali are countries with high maternal mortality ratios of 397 and 562 per 100,000 births and high total fertility rates of 5 and 6, respectively.(6,47) In both countries, the free CS policies were motivated by improving access to facility-based births and emergency obstetric care.(29,45) Additionally, in Benin, the policy was pushed forward after the President in 2008, Boni Yayi, drew attention to women detained for weeks and months in hospitals when they could not afford their CS fees.(45,46)
The free CS policy in Mali was broader, including all facility-based costs for CS.(24,29) However, CS in Benin were more generously reimbursed. In Benin, reimbursement was the same regardless of the actual costs of the procedure, the socioeconomic status of women or the indication for CS. In Mali, complicated CS were reimbursed at a higher rate.(29) Details of the free CS policies in both countries are summarised in Table 3.
Table 3: Summary of the Free Caesarean Section Policies in Benin and Mali
Country
|
Date introduced
|
Participating facilities
|
Costs covered by the free CS1 policy
|
Reimbursement
|
Benin
|
2009
|
Public and private hospitals capable of performing CS.
|
Includes: check-up costs before CS, drugs, kits, surgery, blood, and hospitalisation for seven days.
Excludes: antenatal care, transport, vaginal births, check-up costs prior to intervention and other obstetric and neonatal complications.
|
Hospitals receive a fixed sum of 100,000 CFA2 (Approx. £134) for each CS.
|
Mali
|
2005
|
Public hospitals capable of performing CS.
|
Includes: All facility-based costs for CS – including hospitalisation, surgery, and treatment of complications.
Excludes: antenatal care, transport, vaginal births.
|
Hospitals receive 30,000 CFA (Approx. £40) for simple CS and 42,000 CFA (Approx. £56) for complicated CS.
|
Quality assessment
All studies clearly stated their research aims and a qualitative methodology was appropriate to address these. Two studies did not describe how participants were recruited and why the methods were appropriate.(27,29) Reflexivity was absent in all studies; therefore, it was not possible to assess the extent to which the researcher’s worldviews may have influenced the research methods and analysis. All studies showed evidence of ethical approval; however, some did not discuss how they obtained participant consent or maintained confidentiality.(45,46) One study did not state their analysis method.(29) Whilst all studies were clear on how data was collected, and most stated their analysis method, there was limited justification for why these methods were appropriate and a lack of detail in how they were carried out. All studies had a clear statement of findings that were discussed in relation to the original research question; however, some failed to discuss the credibility of findings.(29,44,46) The results of the quality appraisal are summarised in Table 4.
Table 4
Summary of Quality Appraisals Using the Critical Appraisal Skills Programme (CASP) checklist for Qualitative Studies (38)
Authors (Date)
|
Aim
|
Method
|
Design
|
Recruitment
|
Data Collection
|
Bias
|
Ethics
|
Analysis
|
Findings
|
Value
|
Dossou et al. (2018). (45)
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
No
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Dossou et al. (2020). (27)
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Unclear
|
Yes
|
No
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
El-Khoury et al. (2011). (29)
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Unclear
|
Yes
|
No
|
Yes
|
Unclear
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Lange et al. (2016). (44)
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
No
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Schantz et al. (2020). (46)
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
No
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Yes
|
Findings
The data are presented within the domains of Sekhon et al.'s TFA.(32) Interpretations are supported by “participant quotes” in italics and author interpretations in normal text. In addition, to help contextualise the viewpoint, participant characteristics and country are included after each quote where available.
Affective attitude
Affective attitude describes how women and HCPs feel about the free CS policies. The policies and their intention to provide free CS was generally received positively by women and HCPs. The policies were perceived to remove a crucial financial barrier in access to CS and as a step towards more equitable maternity care. Women welcomed the reduction in costs as, unlike before, they believed if a CS was performed, they would not face as significant or debilitating costs. Women from poorer families were perceived to benefit, resulting in a reported increase in their utilisation of health services.
“With the free policy, many women are visiting health facilities. The change is very noticeable. Women who deliver at home usually do because of a short labor. We always tell our daughters-in-law that we prefer that they deliver at health facilities” Woman, Mali(29)
HCPs expressed relief that they did not have to impose perceived catastrophic expenditures for CS, a potentially lifesaving intervention. In the past, HCPs described that when prescribed a CS, women and their families would disappear to try to collect funds causing delays in treatment with some women not returning. The free CS policies meant HCPs could perform a CS depending on a woman's medical indications without considering their financial means.
Whereas once they dreaded having to tell a woman or her family that she would need a CS, since the policy initiation, midwives now felt a sense of relief.(44)
However, some women expressed not everyone would benefit from the policies equally and barriers to access would persist. For example, high transportation costs, the sparsity of healthcare facilities and poor transport infrastructure mean many women, particularly from low-income or rural households, will not be able to access a health facility where they could benefit from the free CS policies.(29)
Additionally, one study reported that the free CS policies might create wider inequities in women who receive different management of their birth complications.(44) Near-miss vaginal births can amount to substantial costs resulting in perilous financial situations; however, these are not included in the policies.
Furthermore, for many women, CS was still overwhelmingly feared due to the threat of complications, loss of life and implications on future pregnancies. Therefore, despite the free CS policies, CS was seen as a procedure to avoid whenever possible.
“When one speaks of CS, its about fear for the stomach, because…[silence]…because birth is something you should do yourself and you’re told that you can’t that they have to open your belly with a knife! Aah! A woman is not a chicken that you can slice open every time! You could die during the operation because the health workers are just humans and can make mistakes too” Woman, Benin(44)
For some women, the cultural stigma around CS and facility-based birth continues to affect women's judgement of their need to seek healthcare. CS was perceived as a failure of womanhood and could negatively impact how women were viewed and treated in the community, particularly by their elders. Therefore, although the free CS policies may have removed some financial barriers to access, cultural barriers to CS remain.
“Here in our culture, giving birth at home is synonymous to bravery… it shows that the mother is physically strong. On the other hand, giving birth at a facility is perceived to be a sign of weakness. Thus for us, unless the woman is ill, she does not deliver at a health facility.” Woman, Mali(29)
Burden
HCPs expressed concern that the free CS policies had encouraged an increase in medically unjustified CS. Unnecessary CS resulting from the policies resulted in a ‘burden’ for women and HCPs.
“Yes [there are excessive caesarean sections], of course. More than excessive, abusive! Well, in theory [the policy of free access cannot increase the number of abusive caesarean sections], but in reality, yes.” Obstetrician, Benin(46)
HCPs reported that "abusive"(46) use of free CS policies resulted in both short- and long-term complications for mothers and their babies, for example, uterus scarring, which can cause infertility problems and adverse outcomes in future pregnancies. HCPs feared these complications would be particularly challenging to manage due to high fertility rates and would directly contribute to maternal deaths.
“And they do not see the consequences! Placenta accreta, all these factors contribute to maternal deaths” Midwife, Benin(46)
Staff motivation, perceived financial gain, lack of equipment for fetal surveillance and increased demand from women were all cited as contributing to the increase in CS.(44,46) In addition, as the free CS policies reimbursed hospitals for each CS performed, this became a source of income for hospitals, encouraging them to perform medically unjustified CS.
“Doctors are less rigorous now in terms of caesarean section because, for hospitals, it is a source of money, so doctors are more inclined to do caesareans more easily (…) For hospitals, when the state pays the costs of caesarean section, it’s a breath of fresh air for them; so today, indications for caesarean section are nothing.” Obstetrician, Benin(46)
HCPs cited increased maternal requests for CS as another reason for the increase in unnecessary CS. Some HCPs believed that women perceived CS as an easier alternative when experiencing prolonged or painful labour.
“As soon as the contractions begin, they come to the hospital. They say, ‘operate on me, operate on me, operate on me.’ You see they scream, and they say ‘Go ahead and operate; I cannot push any more’ I see a lot of women saying that” Obstetrician, Mali(46)
However, one study noted that maternal preference for CS was rarely expressed before birth.(46) During observations, women were often subject to poor labour conditions and sub-optimal care by HCPs. In this environment, women underwent ‘maternal distress CS’ due to perceptions that CS would relieve their suffering and pain.
Ethicality and Opportunity cost
Ethicality in the context of this QES refers to the extent to which the free CS policies fit with an individual's value system. Opportunity cost describes the extent to which benefits, profits or values need to be given up for individuals to engage with the free CS policies. These domains were merged in the analysis, as HCP values and beliefs (ethicality) influenced the extent to which they could give up profits (an opportunity cost) to effectively deliver the free CS policies.
HCPs were reported to charge for services supposedly included in the free CS policies, often exploiting women who did not know their entitlements. These unofficial payments undermined women’s trust in HCPs and the policies.
“She [the midwife] only placed a catheter but she told me to get at least 50,000 CFA (Central African Francs) ready before our trip to the hospital. My husband said that he didn't have the money, and so she told him to give her 30,000 CFA instead. She'd give 5000 to the doctor and the same to the others who would care for me. At that time, my husband didn't know that one shouldn't pay anything. He only knew afterwards, when he heard the CS was free and had already given the money e it hurt him a lot …” Woman, Benin(44)
However, even women informed of the policies and their entitlements often felt they had little agency to challenge HCPs due to fears of negligence or poorer care quality if they did not pay. Women reported being left in distressing and vulnerable conditions to force them to pay for services such as postoperative pain relief.
“When the effect of the anaesthesia waned, we started feeling uncomfortable and women started crying from everywhere. We were obliged to call the midwives and beg them and ask if they would not have a drug that can reduce our pain. They replied [the managers] said caesarean section is free, and if we want pain relief, we must pay for it. Then we begged them to put something in our infusion” Woman, Benin(27)
Some HCPs justified charging for aspects of care despite the free CS policies due to concerns over loss of profits (an opportunity cost). Some providers did not trust the government to reimburse them or felt the reimbursement was insufficient compared to the actual costs of care. However, one study highlighted continuation of under-the-table payments despite the government effectively reimbursing facilities.(27) One midwife stated that bribery is deeply embedded in the hospital landscape and is fundamental to its continuation, regardless of the free CS policies.
“The hotelier lives off the hotel…he tastes every soup before serving it…healthcare won’t exist without it [informal payments] “Midwife, Benin(44)
Perceived effectiveness and Intervention coherence
Coherence refers to the extent women and HCPs understand the free CS policies. Perceived effectiveness describes to what extent individuals believe that the free CS policies are likely to achieve their purpose. These domains were merged in the analysis as the extent to which individuals understood the free CS policies influenced perceptions of effectiveness.
Most women were aware of the free CS policies and the core message that CS was now free. Women heard about the policies through various mediums, including TV, radio and from other community members and HCPs.(27,29) However, women had significant variability in their understanding of what aspects of care were covered by the policies and which facilities could perform CS.
Although the free caesarean policy is becoming increasingly well-known, information about the specific components of the policy remains fragmented. Mali(29)
Furthermore, implementation at different health facilities was inconsistent. Individual hospitals seemed to dictate to what extent they followed the free CS policies, with some continuing to charge for services such as drugs and consumables supposedly included in the policies. Although national policy guidance was standardised, the policies were not effectively enforced on a facility level leading to variability in practice.
Variability in adherence to the free CS policies by hospitals, coupled with unofficial payments made by HCPs, created uncertainty for women around what services they should pay for. Furthermore, some HCPs were also poorly informed regarding the services included in the policies likely exacerbating inconsistencies in implementation.
Confusion around which materials and services should be paid for apparently both on the part of the staff as well as the patients created some sense of tension amongst clients who were confronted with unclear charges. Benin(44)
As a result, women’s 'perceived effectiveness' of the free CS policies was variable. In general, women reported that CS costs had decreased, but most were still paying for aspects of their care to the extent that, for some women, costs seemed unchanged from before the policies.
“Yes CS is free,” she said, but nevertheless, she had budgeted between 50,000 and 60,000 CFA for the procedure, saving money over the last months for potential complications. Adding up medications, materials and special payments to the midwives, there was nothing free about this procedure, she sighed. Woman, Benin(44)
An informed patient voice was important for promoting adherence to the policies and ensuring quality of care. As many women had a low coherence of their entitlements within the policies, they had little agency to demand removal of charges. Without pressure from women claiming their entitlements, hospitals dictated their own terms of the free CS policies, resulting in low perceived effectiveness. Where women's voices were informed and had channels through which they could express their opinions, HCPs felt more obliged to adhere.
Several providers reported being surprised and put under pressure to comply with the policy, since the population was informed and was expecting immediate benefits. Benin(45)
HCPs cited hospital management as a key determinant of whether the free CS policies were effectively implemented on a facility level. Managers were vital in ensuring staff were equipped to perform safe CS and enforce policy adherence by providing supervision support, sanctioning staff who continued to take informal payments and reimbursing women who were wrongly charged.
Hospital A, benefiting from this strong leadership and the financial comfort of being able to profit from the CS policy rather than clocking losses, was able to institute the policy without increasing under-the-table-payments. Benin(44)
Self-efficacy
Lack of equipment and consumables impacted HCPs self-efficacy to perform safe and appropriate CS. HCPs reported equipment was often degraded and not replaced. For example, in one study, observations found a lack of maternal and fetal monitoring equipment, which directly led to inappropriate CS.(46) Frequent shortages of drugs, aseptic equipment and blood meant that CS were performed in unsafe environments, leading to maternal complications.
Due to stock-out of their regular steriliser, health workers were using iodine to clean the wounds during this period, considered by medical staff to be less effective antiseptic that may have contributed to an increase in infections.(44)
HCPs reported the CS kits supplied as part of the policies were inadequate. Kits were not regularly replaced and contained insufficient medical supplies and medications. One HCP explained that implementers encouraged compliance with the kits even if it was detrimental to patient outcomes. There was evidence that the policies were inadequately resourced and encouraged HCPs to deviate from clinical guidelines.
“Doctors, when they treat women who have been referred with meconium-stained fluid, prescribe strong antibiotics to avoid infection, but they (the implementing agency supervisors) said ‘No, nothing other than ampicillin should be prescribed (the antibiotic provided for free within the policy’. Now that we do not prescribe anything else, we see surgical wounds become infected.” Midwife, Benin(45)
Insufficient resources to provide high quality care impacted staff motivation and morale creating a sense of hopelessness and regression. This further catalysed the increase in unsafe and unnecessary CS.
Assessment of confidence according to GRADE CERQual
Key findings under each theme were assessed using the GRADE CERQual approach.(42,43) Overall confidence in the review findings was either moderate or low, with two findings receiving a very low confidence rating.
Regarding methodological limitations the confidence in the evidence was limited by two studies one with moderate(27) and one with serious methodological limitations.(29) Consequently, most findings were assessed to have moderate methodological limitations.
Most studies had no or very minor concerns about coherence. Confidence was reduced in findings under the theme of affective attitude due to conflicting opinions on the policies presented within and between studies.
Concerning data adequacy most findings had adequate richness of data, moderate concerns were noted when there were significantly unequal contributions from supporting studies. Furthermore, the paucity of included studies reduced confidence that could be placed in the findings.
There were no concerns regarding relevance except one finding that was supported by a study with only partial relevance. The study aimed to understand how context impacts policy implementation which had only partial relevance to the acceptability of user fee exemption policies for CS for women and HCPs.(45)
A summary of the GRADE CERQual assessments are presented in Table 5. An evidence profile containing the rationale for the assessment of each finding is provided in Additional file 6.
Table 5 Summary results of GRADE CERQual assessments
Finding
|
Contributing studies
|
Methodological limitations; quality of the studies which are contributing to finding
|
Coherence; extent of support for review finding from the underlying data
|
Adequacy; richness of data; depth and quantity contributing to the findings
|
Relevance; the extent to which the data supporting a review finding is applicable to the context. (Women and HCPs perspective, acceptability, user fee exemptions for CS)
|
Overall confidence
|
Theme 1: Affective attitude
|
Women and healthcare providers perceived the free CS7 policies as a move towards more equitable maternity care
|
(27,29,44)
|
Moderate methodological limitations
|
Moderate concerns
|
Minor concerns
|
No or very minor concerns
|
Low
|
Women expressed that the policies did not benefit everyone equally as several barrier to access persisted e.g high transport costs, scarcity of health facilities, high cost of complications in vaginal birth
|
(29,44)
|
Moderate methodological limitations
|
Moderate concerns
|
Minor concerns
|
No or very minor concerns
|
Low
|
The free CS policies did not necessarily change women’s health seeking behaviours for CS
|
(29,44,46)
|
Moderate methodological limitations
|
Minor concerns
|
Minor concerns
|
No or very minor concerns
|
Moderate
|
Theme 2: Burden
|
The free CS policies were perceived to encourage CS for medically unjustified reasons
|
(44,46)
|
Minor methodological limitations
|
Minor concerns:
|
Moderate concerns
|
No or very minor concerns
|
Moderate
|
Theme 3: Ethicality and opportunity cost
|
Bribery and corruption by healthcare providers was reported to be commonplace
|
(27,44)
|
Moderate methodological limitations
|
Minor concerns
|
Minor concerns
|
No or very minor concerns
|
Moderate
|
Theme 4: Perceived effectiveness and intervention coherence
|
Women and healthcare providers were generally aware of the policies but were not well-informed of the specific aspects of care included under the free CS policies and which facilities it applied to
|
(27,29)
|
Serious methodological limitations
|
Moderate concerns
|
Moderate concerns
|
No or very minor concerns
|
Very low
|
Implementation of the free CS policies was variable between health facilities
|
(27,44)
|
Moderate methodological limitations
|
Minor concerns
|
Minor concerns
|
No or very minor concerns
|
Moderate
|
Despite the free CS policies, women were still paying for aspects of care e.g prescriptions, transport costs, informal payments to healthcare providers
|
(27,29,44)
|
Moderate methodological limitations
|
Minor concerns:
|
Minor concerns:
|
No or very minor concerns:
|
Moderate
|
Healthcare providers cited hospital management as a key determinant of whether the free CS policies were effectively implemented on a facility level
|
(27,44)
|
Moderate methodological limitations:
|
Minor concerns
|
Moderate concerns:
|
No ore very minor concerns
|
Low
|
Theme 5: Self-efficacy
|
The free CS policies did not significantly impact (or increase) the perceived quality of care.
|
(29,44–46)
|
Moderate methodological limitations
|
Moderate concerns
|
Minor concerns
|
Moderate concerns
|
Very Low
|
Health facilities were often insufficiently resourced regarding staff, consumables, and equipment to perform CS safely and to ensure the quality of care.
|
(27,44,46)
|
Minor methodological limitations
|
Minor concerns
|
Minor concerns
|
No or very minor concerns
|
Moderate
|