1.1. Conceptualization of self-rated health
The overarching question we examine in this study is what individual and contextual factors shape the subjective rating of health among older adults. Self-rated health (SRH) is a widely used predictor of mortality and physical functioning in general (1) and, particularly, among older populations (2). The usual measure is a single question asking for a rating of one's health using a five-point scale ranging from poor to excellent. This is often dichotomized into 'good' and 'poor'. The simplicity of this measure, its demonstrated validity (3), and its significant linear association with objective health indicators such as physical functioning (4) explain SRH's wide acceptance (5). Some authors argue, however, that the subjective aspect of SRH is increasingly problematic when older populations are studied (6). With aging, individual expectations and standards of good health evolve. Both perceptions of normal health status for a particular age and awareness of diagnoses that lack symptoms but raise the spectre of illness (eg hypertension) play important roles as reference points for an individual's self-rating. Older adults also may rate their health relative to their age cohort and related expectation rather than to some absolute standard (7). This shift in comparative baseline may be a way of coping with and adapting to declining health, but also makes tracking of SRH across the life-course and its reliability as an indicator of older adults' objective health challenging. Still others have contested these presumed, age-related measurement modifications (7).
In addition to shifts arising from individual psychology, and expectations and perceptions of health over the life-course, older adults' SRH may also be shaped by norms and values aligned with group affiliation, whether those groups are social, cultural, or based on innate traits like sex. For example, when they rate their health the components considered by older men and women seem to be different (8). Men tend to focus specifically on physical well-being in making their determination whereas women take a broader view, considering mental health and levels of physical activity and function as contributing factors (8). According to a comprehensive framework proposed by Jylhä (6), what constitutes ‘health’ can also vary with geography and culture. At a contextual level, cultural norms and social roles affect self-assessments of health. For example, after controlling for related sociodemographic and health characteristics, Italians, Dutch men, and non-Hispanic whites assessed their health more positively than Finns, Lithuanian men, and Hispanics, respectively (6), while Germans underrated their health when compared to Danes or Swedes (9). Other authors suggest that Americans are 'health optimistic', finding that when compared to their Japanese counterparts and despite presenting poorer measured health outcomes, Americans rated their health more highly (10).
1.2. Sex and SRH across cultures and social circumstances
Among older adults, women generally report lower SRH than do men, however this finding varies across countries. It is supported by research from Brazil (11), USA (12), India (13), Canada (14), Spain, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Israel (15). In contrast, studies from Japan (16), Finland and UK (15) report poorer SRH for men than women. Even within countries findings are inconsistent; no sex/gender differences were found in some sample populations from Canada and Colombia (17, 18). It may be that culturally-based gender norms influence how women and men weigh components of SRH. Although this has not been studied, in theory, men in more traditional environments might consider physical robustness as central to better SRH while dismissing mental health as a contributing factor. Among older Europeans (19) and Africans (20) over age 15, there is some evidence that men and women interpret health factors similarly when rating their health. In contrast, among Koreans, hypertension was a stronger determinant of SRH in women than in men (21). Sex differences in SRH across cultures or other social locations might be embedded in group-specific differences in how women and men define health. In Latin America, where older women have lived in traditional societies with fewer social opportunities across the life-course they tend to report worse subjective health and physical functioning than do men (22). In contrast, in Canada, it may be that more expansive and egalitarian gender roles and older women's educational and socio-economic attainment that often meets that of age-matched men, shift women's perceptions of SRH (23). We hypothesize that conventions, definitions, and references used to assess health will vary across sex but also with intersections of sex and other social locations. This represents a gender effect rather than only an effect of sex.
Characteristics that fit within a social determinants of health framework such as education (12), income (11), race (24), rural/urban place of residence (25), marital status (26), and life-course adversities (27) all underpin perceptions of health among older adults (28).
The relative effect of inequalities in social circumstances on subjective health tends to decline with age, while the impact of contextual factors such as culture and geography becomes more prominent, a phenomenon referred to as ‘age-as-leveler’ (29). As a result, subjective health status differences may narrow among older people occupying similar social locations (30).
1.3. Intersectionality: sex, social factors, a measure of ‘gender’
To some extent, studies that perform sex-stratified analyses are able to disentangle effects of sex and social factors. For example, SRH effects of either income (31) or rurality (32) are sometimes stronger in women, whereas the effect of marital status (33), deprivation (34), childhood and lifetime cumulative socio-economic status (SES) (35) and education (36) appear to be stronger among men. However, concomitant social factors such as race and education can interact with sex to affect health outcomes in more complex ways that are not simply additive or multiplicative. Adopting an intersectionality framework offers a more nuanced understanding of how complex, co-existing effects of sex and social locations determine subjective health. Such a framework should aid in addressing social opportunities and constraints arising from sex, that is, in addressing gender, a much theorized but difficult to measure social determinant of health (37, 38). With roots in sociology and the study of inequality intersectionality frameworks assume that interlocking and overlapping social locations such as race, income, or education can interact with sex to jointly alter subjective and objective health outcomes. The focus of this study is on the three social locations of education, wealth, and rural/urban residence, all widely reported independent predictors of SRH (35), and whether these intersect with sex in shaping SRH among Canadian adults age 45+.
Although consensus is yet to be reached, various quantitative techniques for studying intersections of, for example, sex and social factors have recently been demonstrated. Utilizing structural equation modelling (SEM), Wang et al. (39) found that SES not only directly influences the health status of men and women differently, but also has differential indirect effects across sex groups through interactions with other social circumstances. Using European data Arpino et al. (40) examined the mediating effect of educational attainment on how early-life conditions shape older adults' SRH and found a stronger effect among men (40). Using decomposition analysis techniques that partitioned gender inequities in SRH by SES, measures such as education and employment in Europe (41) and India (42) it appeared that the social vulnerability of older women in terms of educational attainment or access to well-paid jobs contributed to their poorer SRH. Multilevel (ML) analysis techniques offer another option for quantitative examination of intersectionality and have been used in several studies (43-45). ML models typically account for the 'nesting' or 'clustering' of individuals within geographic settings such as neighbourhoods. However, clusters examined can also include groupings by sex or social strata defined by levels of wealth and/or education attainment. Those sharing a cluster may well share certain characteristics that shape values and behaviors. This commonality violates the assumption that each participant in a study is independent of all others, an assumption that is central to ordinary regression analysis. Multilevel analyses assess combined effects of, for example, sex and social factors simultaneously and interactively, not simply as additive or multiplicative interactions (45) and therefore are able to identify independent dimensions of stratification by social factors. ML analyses quantify cluster effects by estimating indicators such as the intra-class correlation coefficient (ICC); defined as the ratio of the between-cluster variance to the total variance. A large ICC suggests that variation between clusters has an important impact on an outcome and should be taken into account in etiological analyses. The Median Odds Ratio (MOR) is another measure of clustering. MOR quantifies between-cluster variations by exhaustively comparing any two randomly chosen persons, one from each cluster, offering more interpretable information for discrete outcomes in form of an Odds Ratio (46, 47). A larger MOR indicates higher variability between clusters.
Research on how intersections of sex and social factors shape perceived health of older adults is scarce. To address this gap our objectives were to 1) estimate the unbiased impact of sex and social circumstances on reported SRH in Canadian men and women age 45+; 2) explore interactions of three key dimensions of social identity (education, wealth, and rural/urban status) on the sex-SRH relationship; 3) explore intersections of sex and social factors, that is, of gender and SRH. By comparing findings across these analytic designs we hope to form a nuanced picture of how an older adult's multiple individual and social facets intersect to shape that health.