Numerous studies have illuminated the profound relationship between family SES and individuals’ health, well-being, and psychological resources1–6. Serving as a significant psychological resource, dispositional optimism has been associated with various adaptive outcomes7,8. Research indicates that SES can positively predict individuals’ dispositional optimism2,9,10.
Although most studies consider dispositional optimism as unidimensional, recent evidence11–14 suggests it consists of two distinct factors: optimism and pessimism, relating to individuals’ expectations of positive and negative outcomes respectively. This seemingly simple distinction might potentially activate two distinct motivational systems—approach and avoidance—which could in turn individually influence a person’s thoughts, emotions, and volitional actions7,15,16. Recent research has found that optimism and pessimism exhibit differential effects on various indicators of individuals’ health and subjective well-being12,13,16,17. However, a significant question remains: does the relationship between SES and both optimism and pessimism vary?
Few studies have investigated the specific relationship between SES and both optimism and pessimism, with some suggesting an asymmetric connection between them3,18,19. For instance, Taylor and Seeman employed data from four adult datasets and found that SES was significantly correlated with pessimism but not optimism19. Robb et al. obtained similar results in elderly participants18. Heinonen et al. analysed the relationship between individuals’ childhood family SES and their optimism and pessimism in adulthood3. They again found that after controlling for adult SES, childhood SES was only significantly correlated with adult pessimism but not optimism. These studies consistently found that family SES significantly predicted individuals’ pessimism but not necessarily their optimism. Whether the same pattern holds for optimism and pessimism during childhood and adolescence remains unclear.
Childhood and adolescence are critical periods for the formation and development of personality including optimism and pessimism14,20. Optimism during childhood and adolescence is not only closely associated with youth’s current academic achievements, interpersonal relationships, and life satisfaction21–23, but also serves as a predictor of well-being in adulthood24,25. Furthermore, studies have shown optimism during childhood and adolescence can significantly predict individuals’ income and education levels in adulthood––with individuals possessing higher optimism likely achieving higher SES26,27. Thus, understanding the relationship between family SES and the levels of optimism and pessimism of children and adolescents can shed light on the dynamics of optimism and pessimism more broadly––providing a basis for targeted interventions to foster positive personality development in children and adolescents and facilitate social mobility.
According to the Reserved Capacity Model28, compared to children and adolescents from high SES families, their counterparts from low SES families are more likely to experience chronic stress in their lives due to the scarcity of material resources29. Such stressors might include factors such as living in overcrowded and noisy environments or facing travel limitations due to subpar public transport amenities. These demanding environments can significantly deplete the cognitive and psychological resources of children and adolescents. On the other hand, low SES also implies that parents often confront greater survival pressures. This may lead them to be less patient in child-rearing and turn to harsh parenting30,31, causing tension in parent–child relationships32. Furthermore, these parents may be less likely to serve as effective role models for their children or teach them adaptive strategies for coping with stress and setbacks33,34. Consequently, children and adolescents from low SES families may have fewer opportunities or lack chances to develop their capacities28. As a result, children and adolescents from low SES families may exhibit insufficient reserved capacities, leading to a lack of control over the present and future28,30 —leading to fewer positive expectations and more negative expectations about the future. Accordingly, we hypothesize that family SES positively predicts the optimism of children and adolescents while negatively predicting their pessimism.
To date, what has been less extensively investigated is whether the links between SES, optimism, and pessimism change with increasing age during childhood and adolescence. Understanding this topic is vital for policy, practice, and research because it can offer insights into when socioeconomic inequalities reproduce and how they can be altered over the life course.
The Reserved Capacity Model28 offers a possible framework for understanding how family SES may relate to children’s and adolescents’ optimism and pessimism. It suggests that the challenging environment faced by children and adolescents from low family SES backgrounds, along with their limited chances to develop their abilities, may persist as they grow older without significant change35. Thus, the relationship between SES and optimism may not vary markedly with age. By contrast, Taylor and Seeman found that irrational beliefs correlate only with individuals’ pessimism, not with optimism19. Irrational beliefs represent a type of cognition36. Just as family SES has a significant impact on the cognitive development of children and adolescents37–39, the evolution of irrational beliefs is also influenced by individuals’ educational attainment—an important indicator of SES40.
The Cumulative Advantage Theory41 also appears germane in this context. This framework posits that individuals or groups who have a small advantage at the beginning of a process tend to accumulate more advantages over time, while those who start with a disadvantage face increasing challenges and disadvantages. Thus, children and adolescents from higher SES families are likely to show greater cognitive development compared to those from poorer backgrounds. This difference accumulates and widens over time as youth age37. Even though irrational beliefs are merely a subset of cognition, the broadening gap between SES and cognitive development as age progresses serves as indirect evidence for our predictions. Drawing on both theoretical frameworks, we hypothesize that the relationship between SES and pessimism is likely to become stronger with increasing age.
Before delving into the above hypothesis, it is imperative to address the methodological concerns related to measuring optimism and pessimism. To explore the associations between SES and optimism as well as pessimism, the measures of optimism and pessimism should function equivalently in more socioeconomically diverse samples. However, few studies have done so before presenting substantive associations between SES and optimism and pessimism. Establishing measurement invariance (MI) will not only validate the constructs but also provide a clearer understanding of their relationships42–44.
In sum, the purpose of this study was to (a) evaluate the MI of the scales to assess optimism and pessimism across different SES groups, (b) investigate the relationship between family SES and optimism as well as pessimism in children and adolescents, and (c) examine if and how this relationship changes with age. As the Chinese version measure of optimism and pessimism has demonstrated similar bi-dimensional structure across age groups14, we hypothesized that the MI across SES groups would be established. Based on the literature review, the present study tested the following three hypotheses:
(1) The MI of the scales for optimism and pessimism would be established (H1); (2) Family SES positively predicts the optimism of children and adolescents while negatively predicting their pessimism (H2);
(3) The relationship between SES and optimism may not vary markedly with age, while the relationship between SES and pessimism is likely to strengthen with increasing age (H3).