Innovative Gender Perspectives on Adaptive Capacity in Coastal Communities: A Study Case of the Community of Cocanha, Brazil

doi:10.21203/rs.3.rs-4883152/v1

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Innovative Gender Perspectives on Adaptive Capacity in Coastal Communities: A Study Case of the Community of Cocanha, Brazil

https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-4883152/v1

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This study examines the adaptive capacity of a coastal fishing community in Brazil, focusing on the critical role of gender in shaping adaptive strategies. Using an adaptive capacity framework, we explore the domains of Assets, Flexibility, Organization, Learning, and Agency, disaggregated by sex. Through semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and content analysis, we highlight the distinct contributions of men and women to the community’s resilience against environmental and climate changes. Our findings reveal that gender inequalities significantly impact adaptive capacity, particularly for women, whose potential is often constrained by social structures and limited access to resources. Despite these challenges, women’s involvement in culinary activities and community-based tourism initiatives has become a pivotal force in enhancing the community’s adaptive capacity. The study underscores the importance of inclusive and gender-sensitive adaptation measures, advocating for greater support and representation of women in decision-making processes. By providing a sex-disaggregated analysis of adaptive capacity, this research contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of the community’s resilience and offers insights into developing more effective and equitable adaptation strategies. Our results will deepen our understanding of how gender relations in specific contexts relate to instances of social-ecological crises, adaptation, or transformation.

causal-loop

climate change

coastal management

fishing communities

socio-ecological

Fishing communities, which depend on natural resources for their subsistence, are on the frontline of the impacts of climate change. More specifically, for artisanal fishing communities in coastal areas, changes in water temperature, acidification, rising sea levels, marine heatwaves, and extreme events are eminent threats to coastal and marine ecosystems (IPCC, 2021). Beyond the direct effects of climate change, factors like poverty, limited access to essential resources such as water and sanitation, governance weaknesses, income disparities, and gender inequality compound the vulnerability of communities (Portner et al., 2022). For instance, during the 2012 El Niño floods and landslides in Peru, women and children were more susceptible to diseases such as malaria, cholera, and dengue (Reyes, 2002).

In Brazil, Coelho (2004) observed that severe droughts led to higher levels of anxiety and emotional distress among women compared to men, likely due to the challenges women faced in achieving their roles as producers and providers. Similarly, during floods in India, women experienced more significant psychosocial effects due to the loss of social networks and difficulties in caring for their families (Mitchell et al., 2007). Furthermore, social structures such as ethnicity, race, religion, and caste, as well as demographics like age, education, wealth, and household size, intersect with the gender dimension, exacerbating vulnerabilities (Goh, 2012; Das, 2024).

Enhancing adaptive capacity is a key strategy for supporting the resilience of exposed population groups. Adaptive capacity refers to the ability or potential of social-ecological systems to adjust to climate change. This includes the responsiveness of individuals, groups, and communities to exposure and sensitivity, aiming to mitigate potential damages, capitalize on opportunities, and manage consequences to maintain at least the initial level of quality of life (Smit and Wandel, 2006; Engle, 2011). It can also be understood as "the capacity to enact adjustments and incremental changes either in anticipation or in reaction to shifts in conditions" (Bahadur et al., 2016).

Adaptive capacity is a concept that has been broadly applied in the analysis of people's vulnerability and resilience to climate change (Carvalho et al., 2023). However, how gender norms and inequalities affect the adaptive capacity of communities is still a gap that needs to be understood. Some studies have included indicators related to women or gender to analyze adaptive capacity, but they have not deeply studied how it impacts women and men differently, nor the overall adaptive capacity of the group (Sadekin et al., 2018; Galappaththi et al., 2019; Martins et al., 2019). Green et al. (2021) conducted a literature review examining how adaptive capacity translates to human responses to change, finding that less than a quarter of the case studies included gender as a dimension of response to stress. In addition, they highlight the importance of considering how women are influenced by and respond to climate change and other stressors (Green et al., 2021). This work aims to address this gap by providing a comprehensive analysis of the gendered dimensions of adaptive capacity in coastal communities.

Therefore, when considering adaptive capacity, it is essential to recognize that the ability to adopt adaptation strategies may differ for women and men, depending on the resources they have access to or control over and the socio-cultural context, which determines their rights, roles, and responsibilities (Goh, 2012). This gender-differentiated access to assets and opportunities highlights the importance of incorporating gender perspectives into adaptive capacity assessments to ensure equitable and effective adaptation outcomes.

Artisanal fishing serves as a fundamental pillar for nutrition, food security, poverty alleviation, equitable development, and the sustainable utilization of natural resources within coastal communities (FAO, 2015). While predominantly male-dominated, the significant contributions of women in artisanal fishing have garnered increasing recognition (FAO 2007; Galvão et al., 2020). However, despite their pivotal roles, women often face systemic challenges such as lack of acknowledgment in fisheries management, insufficient or absent remuneration, and limited economic benefits from their fishing endeavors (Bennet, 2005).

A critical aspect underscored in the literature, particularly within the realm of fisheries and aquaculture, is the necessity to recognize and empower women in fishing. The disregard for the labor of women, coupled with the absence of fair compensation, perpetuates their invisibility as integral contributors to the fishery sector and impedes their inclusion in decision-making processes (De Andrade et al., 2021; Torell et al., 2021). The active involvement of women in fishing not only promotes adaptation strategies but also encompasses roles such as monitoring illegal fishing activities and managing household finances (Torell et al., 2021).

The multifaceted roles assumed by women within these communities can be viewed as adaptive strategies adopted by families to cope with socio-environmental challenges, underscoring the central role of the labor of women in capacity building. Gender exerts a key influence on shaping the process of capacity building at the local level (Dev and Manalo, 2023), with women playing a significant role in informal fish processing activities, such as cleaning, drying, and packaging, which serves to increase the value of fishery products (Galvão et al., 2020). These activities contribute to the economic sustainability of the community and highlight the indispensable contribution of women to adaptive capacity-building efforts.

A significant barrier to addressing the challenges posed by gender inequalities is the limited availability of gender-focused data and research in fisheries science (De Andrade et al., 2021). Furthermore, there is a notable absence of documentation demonstrating the extent of disparities in how women and men experience the impacts of climate change (Dev and Manalo, 2023). This article, aims to address this knowledge gap by examining the complex relationship between adaptive capacity and gender dynamics within the context of fishing communities. By explaining how gender roles and inequalities influence adaptive strategies and resilience-building efforts, we provide robust evidence and data to inform the development of climate policies that consider the diverse needs and experiences of both men and women.

Gender refers to the social, cultural, and behavioral attributes, expectations, and roles that societies attribute to individuals based on their perceived or assigned sex (UNICEF, 2017). It encompasses the norms, roles, and responsibilities that society constructs around femininity and masculinity and influences how people perceive themselves and interact with others within social, economic, and political contexts. Our study examines the complex dynamics of gender relations and their implications for the adaptive capacity of a fishing community in southeastern Brazil: the Cocanha community. Derived from the name of the Cocanha beach, where they fish much like their ancestors, this community is inhabited by the native Caiçara people. In the forthcoming section, we offer a succinct historical narrative elucidating this community.

The Caiçara people of Cocanha

The Caiçaras are native inhabitants of the Atlantic coast of southeastern Brazil and sustain themselves primarily through agriculture and artisanal fishing (Hanazaki et. al, 2000). The Caiçara people are mostly descended from miscegenation of peoples of the Tupi-Guarani ethnic group, African peoples who were enslaved by colonization, and European settlers, particularly Portuguese colonizers. The Tupi-Guarani people were the original inhabitants of the Atlantic coast of southeastern Brazil, where the Caiçara communities are located.

The Caiçara people have a deep-rooted knowledge of the environment (Diegues, 1983), passed down through generations, which positions them as pivotal players in resource management and social-ecological resilience. Their knowledge includes the cultivation of land, the ecology of animals and plants, and fishing technologies (Begossi, 1995). Here, we focused our study on the Caiçara community on the beach of Cocanha, north coast of the State of São Paulo, Brazil. The Cocanha community consists of around 40 individuals, although precise population data are currently unavailable. Historically, within the interior regions of the Atlantic Forest, Cocanha residents cultivated fields with staple crops like cassava, beans, and bananas, which served as essential sources of sustenance and trade. However, the practice of agriculture has markedly declined in recent times due to the expansion of the region, driven by factors such as tourism, urban development, and real estate speculation.

The beach of Cocanha hosts the largest shellfish marine farm in the State of São Paulo, Brazil. The mussel farm was established in the 1980s in response to the challenges faced by artisanal fisher folk in the State of São Paulo, Brazil related to the reduction of fish stock. The project aimed to strengthen the commercialization chain of the colonies of fisher folk on the North Coast of São Paulo, using mussel farming as a model, and introducing mussel consumption in school meals. However, it was only in the 1990s that mussel cultivation achieved successful production in the then-sheltered Cocanha Beach. Nowadays, the Mussel Marine Farm has become a supplementary source of income for artisanal fishermen and their families, while also fostering Community-Based Tourism (CBT) by the “Cocanha Tourist Village”.

Our work hypothesizes that gender inequalities in the fishing and mussel farming production chain in the Cocanha community negatively impact the group's adaptive capacity. Specifically, these inequalities limit women's access to resources and decision-making processes, despite their significant role in building resilience and adaptive strategies. This research aims to examine how disparities between men and women within the Cocanha fishing and mariculture community negatively impact the group's adaptive capacity.

In the present study, our unit of analysis is the fisherfolk and mariculturists community of Cocanha. This includes both individuals directly engaged in fishing and mariculture activities, as well as those who support them or are family members. We employed a multi-method triangulation approach, which is commonly applied in the explanation of complex phenomena and refers to the combination of different methods to reveal different aspects of the research problem. Here, we applied semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and bibliographic review. Access to the community representatives was facilitated through the collaboration of the local president of MAPEC (Fishers and Aquaculture of Cocanha’s Beach Association). Leveraging a snowball sampling technique, we identified influential individuals within the community. To ensure gender parity in our research representation, we proactively addressed the initial challenge of a low number of women identified through snowball sampling.

Additional efforts were made to include female representatives approached through field interactions, gatherings, and local events. Notably, barriers to accessing women for interviews were identified, primarily due to their engagement in domestic labor and the resulting time constraints. Managing responsibilities such as childcare, eldercare, and household tasks made it challenging for them to allocate time for research team meetings. In light of these circumstances, our sample consisted of 6 women and 13 men (n = 19), representing approximately 47,5% of the community of Cocanha Beach, which has a total population of around 40 individuals. To complement our interviews, we also incorporated participant observation, documenting our experiences and insights in a diary. This involved active engagement in community meetings, events, and daily life, providing a holistic understanding of the community dynamics during the period from November 2022 to November 2023. The research was approved by the Brazilian national ethics committee called "Plataforma Brasil."

The questionnaire was developed based on bibliographic references and questionnaires used in previous research on adaptive capacity (Cinner et al., 2018; Martins et al., 2019; Galappatthi et al., 2019). The qualitative analysis of the data was conducted using the content analysis method with the support of the free version of QDA Miner Lite software. Additionally, Vensim Personal Learning Edition software was used to analyze causal relationships between the identified categories. This manuscript has utilized ChatGPT for English language review, as it is not the author's native language.

Conceptual framework

Guided by the following adaptive capacity framework, we conducted interviews and content analysis to assess the adaptive capacity of the Community of Cocanha. Cinner et al. (2018) identified five key components that comprise adaptive capacity in coastal communities: Assets, Flexibility, Organization, Learning, and Agency. These domains, relevant at individual, family, and community levels, serve as a framework for understanding resilience to environmental changes.

Assets refer to the resources available, such as financial, physical, natural, and social capital, which are crucial for response and recovery. Here, we used the following information as indicators of assets: “ percentage of individuals responsible for the family income by gender” and “principal activities performed by gender”. Flexibility is the ability to adjust strategies and behaviors to changing conditions, ensuring diverse and adaptive livelihoods. We used the “percentage of men and women who believe can find work in another field” as indicator of flexibility.

Organization pertains to the capacity for self-organization and coordination, which enhances collective action and decision-making. We utilized participant observation to gain insight into how men and women organize themselves and navigate their daily routines. Learning involves the acquisition, sharing, and application of knowledge about environmental changes and adaptive strategies, fostering innovation. We used the following information as indicators of learning: “perceptions about socio environmental and climate change by gender”, “percentage of men and women who have taken courses to improve their chances finding jobs”, and “percentage of men and women who have taken courses in the environmental field”.

Agency reflects the empowerment and capacity of individuals and communities to make choices and take actions that influence their livelihoods and well-being. We used the following indicators to assess agency: the "percentage of perception about the differences in the appreciation of work between men and women by gender," "emergent categories that cause or reinforce gender inequalities in the community," and "causal effect relationships that contribute to gender inequalities in the community."Quotes from the interviewees are used to contextualize and enrich the interpretation of the data.

Study area

The study area is located in the municipality of Caraguatatuba, located on the northern coast of São Paulo. In recent decades, Caraguatatuba has experienced intense urbanization related to the warming real estate market, resulting in the expansion of the urban area through the sale of land plots, largely as second homes (Gigliotti and Santos, 2013). In addition to urbanization, large infrastructure projects have recently been implemented in the region, such as the duplication of the Tamoios Highway and the installation of the Caraguatatuba Gas Treatment Unit (UTGCA) to receive natural gas extracted from the Mexilhão Field in the Santos Basin (Gigliotti, 2013). This scenario poses a threat to the conservation of ecosystems and the maintenance of the way of life of communities dependent on natural resources, such as the “caiçara” fishing community of Cocanha (São Paulo, 2020). As an experimental focus, this work was restricted to Cocanha Beach, as it still has the presence of a traditional fishing community (Fig. 1). Cocanha Beach is part of the coverage area of the Marine Environmental Protection Area of the Northern Coast (APAMLN), a sustainable-use conservation unit created in 2008 by the Government of the State of São Paulo (São Paulo, 2020).

Overview

The general socio-demographic profile of the Cocanha fishering community was defined from the general characteristics of the individuals interviewed from the Fisherfolk and Mariculturists Community of Cocanha Beach, Caraguatatuba Brazil, summarized in Fig. 2. We engaged with a total of 19 community representatives.

Sex

In the Cocanha Community, 68% of the population is men (Fig. 2a). The research site is an area of public domain, specifically the fishermen's ranch. In this space, it's more common to find men, as women typically occupy the domestic sphere due to gender roles. The Fisherfolk and Mariculturists community of Cocanha Beach do not solely reside in the beachfront area. While they work and organize their fishing equipment in a ranch located on the beach, their residences are often situated away from the coastline.

Age

Hence, the representation of 68% men interviewed indicates a broad age range, from 41 to over 70 years old, with 31% being over 70 years old. This distribution highlights the extensive age representation among the male participants (Fig. 2b). On the other hand, women interviewed were between 51 and 70 years old, with no representation of women over 70 years old. Furthermore, there is a noticeable absence of women in the 41 to 50-year-old age group.

Level of education

As presented in Fig. 2c, 67% of the interviewed women completed only primary school, while for men, only 42% completed it. Additionally, while 25% of the interviewed men accessed higher education, none of the interviewed women had the same education level. Based on the interviews, this fact is due to gender roles: women helped at home with domestic chores and family care, which prevented them from accessing higher education.

Skin Color

The majority of the interviewed men identify themselves as brown, with 54% representation (Fig. 2d). On the other hand, 50% of the women self-identify as white and 50% as brown. Additionally, there is a representation of 8% indigenous men. This distribution is directly related to the origin of the Caiçara people, which is the result of the mixing between Portuguese, indigenous native peoples, and Afro-descendants.

Learning and knowledge

Since men and women play distinct social roles and occupy different spaces, it is to be expected that their perceptions of reality would also differ, as in the specific case of this work, their perceptions of socio environmental and climate change in the community. Women cited the loss of species (50%), changes in wind patterns (33%), decreases in the intensity of storm surges (33%), and changes in weather predictability (33%) as the main changes in the community (Fig. 3). On the other hand, men mentioned inadequate sewage treatment (54%), loss of species (38%), and the decrease in the intensity of storm surges (31%).

Access to knowledge can be a facilitator in the pursuit of occupations, enhancing adaptive capacity. Therefore, questions were asked about the courses already taken by the interviewed individuals. 77% of the men indicated having taken courses to improve their chances of finding employment, while 50% of the women have done so (Fig. 4). When it comes to courses in the environmental field, only 17% of the women have taken such courses, while 77% of the men have. The environmental courses mentioned by the men are mainly related to mussel farming, aquaculture, and sustainability. Thus, it is evident that women have less access to knowledge and learning about the fishery resources involved in the community.

One of the difficulties in enrolling in and completing courses is due to household and caretaking responsibilities, as mentioned by Z., a 48-year-old woman cook:

It's just that today I don't have much head for studying, but I would study more, I wanted to study, take a competitive exam. But, I can't do it today, if I could, I would like to work for the municipality, work as a civil servant. I worked in a pharmacy, then I left and worked in the butcher shop. After that, I didn't work with a formal job anymore. I used to do cleaning, clean houses. But now, I'm not working anymore. Before, I could do that, but now with my daughter, it's a bit complicated. About 4 years ago, I cleaned some houses, to have some money, to help out. I helped my husband with the mussels and cleaned houses to have my little money.

Dev and Manalo (2023) noted a prevailing trend in academic discourse highlighting the limited access women have to formal education and information sources, which impedes their ability to accumulate knowledge. As noted in the previous quote, this disparity in knowledge acquisition is exacerbated by the disproportionate burden of care work that women often bear, impeding their opportunities for learning and skill development. Consequently, women's lack of awareness on critical issues such as sustainability, mussel farming, fishing, and climate change significantly contributes to the already biased decision-making processes within households and communities. This knowledge gap not only perpetuates existing inequalities but also undermines efforts to address climate change impacts effectively. As such, addressing these barriers and promoting equitable access to education and information sources for women is key for fostering inclusive and informed decision-making in community settings.

Assets

Regarding the main provider of the family income, Fig. 5 shows that 67% of women indicated their husband as the primary responsible for family income, and 17% of women were solely responsible for the income without the assistance of their husband or progenies. There hasn't been a single man who depends solely on his wife's income.

Due to the childcare responsibilities, many women reported having left formal employment to dedicate themselves to household tasks, as is the case reported by A., a 62 years old woman fish vendor:

I always worked as a clerk, but after my daughter was born, I didn't want to work anymore, I just stayed with her, so I didn't work anymore. Then, my husband has always been in the military, he started working with fishing boats, with fish, and he would fish on his days off, and then I started working with fish. It's been about 25 years since I started working with fish.

Additionally, the lack of formal employment with proper registration means many women are denied access to benefits like retirement. This restriction significantly affects their agency and financial resources, as emphasized by M., a 69-year-old woman cook:

I left here when I was 13, and worked as a maid, if I had been registered at the time, today I would have retirement benefits, but in the past, people weren't registered. I only stayed in one house for 10 years, helping out, the girl grew up and I was her nanny. The girl grew up, I stayed with the woman. Then I left there and went to work in a market, in a store, worked for a little over 4 years, then I got married. Then, in my ignorance, I didn't pay anything anymore (social security contribution). My husband said, "Oh, I already have money" so I got married and didn't work anymore. I depend on my husband, selling the cakes (of mussel) is more for me to go out, to take a stroll, but not that I live off of it.

An analysis of the primary activities undertaken by men and women in the community reveals a plain gender-based division of labor, with distinct roles for each sex. Men are predominantly involved in mussel culture (50%), fishing and mussel culture (17%), fishing (25%), and environmental education (8%). Conversely, women are primarily engaged in processing and sales work (50%; Fig. 6) and culinary (50%). This highlights a clear division where men are primarily responsible for fish capture activities, while women are predominantly involved in processing and selling.

However, in addition to processing and sales work and culinary, women also take on domestic and caregiving responsibilities, leading to what is commonly referred to as a "double burden" or "double shift" of work. This phenomenon can be observed in the following statements from (a) M., a 69-year-old woman cook and (b) T., a 64-year-old woman fish vendor:

I help with the nets, make the nets, help clean, clean, make mussel cakes, sell, and work. I help there (at the ranch), clean, plant (mussel), if necessary, I know how to plant, I've already planted, I help my son with that. Besides my house, that's it, except for the house. I've never had a maid here at my house, I do everything, I wash, iron clothes, cook. And my daughter needs me, my daughter is sick, I took care of her children a lot.

I wake up at 3–4 am to make coffee. When my daughter is not at home, I prepare lunch early and leave everything ready.

Assets encompass various resources, including financial, physical, natural, and social capital, which are essential for effective response and recovery. In our study, women predominantly rely on their husbands for financial capital. Social capital, in this context, refers to women’s ability to gain benefits through their involvement in social networks and structures (Portes, 1998; Machio et al., 2022). In the Cocanha community, women’s social networks are limited to family connections, fish and mussel sales, and efforts to promote local cuisine. Gender roles often restrict women's participation in broader groups. Machio et al. (2022) found that involvement in groups, such as those focused on finance, savings, or credit, can empower women to have a greater role in household decision-making. We believe that similar group structures should be promoted and supported by MAPEC, as well as by local partners such as the City Hall and NGOs.

Flexibility

Respondents were asked if they believed they had the ability to find work in another area. Regarding men, 62% believe they can find work in another area, while only 33% of women do. M., a 69-year-old woman cook, mentions that, although there is the possibility of working in other areas, domestic and caregiving duties took up a significant portion of her time, preventing her from balancing other jobs:

If you want to work, it's there, work, anyhow. Working in a kiosk, if you offer yourself, if you want to work, you'll work. But, I won't do anything. It's just that now the kids have grown up, in the past I could have thought about it. But, I had to guide my children, they all got married at 28, 30 years old, they stayed home all the time. They studied, took courses, did the things they wanted, and then they got married. Then, I freed myself from them. Before, I had to take care of the laundry, I worked at home, they lived here at home. They studied, they worked, my husband also worked. I had to take care of them, the laundry done, the food, everything on schedule.

Flexibility refers to the ability to adjust strategies and behaviors in response to changing conditions, ensuring diverse and adaptive livelihoods. In the Cocanha community, fewer women than men demonstrated flexibility in finding employment. This disparity is, again, largely influenced by the "double burden" of domestic responsibilities and limited access to knowledge.

Organization

Organization pertains to the capacity for self-organization and coordination, enhancing collective action and decision-making. Basically, men organize themselves through the use of the community ranch for extractive activities or through MAPEC meetings, which also take place in the ranch. The ranch is used for storing fishing and mariculture equipment, cleaning shellfish, meetings, and leisure activities. While, women are primarily organized around culinary activities. In recent years, this focus has gained special attention due to two main factors: the development of community-based tourism and the Mussel Festival (Fig. 7).

Community-Based Tourism presents the key historical, cultural, and everyday elements of the lives of fishermen and mariculturists in Cocanha. Visitors are guided by local monitors to experience the community's customs and learn about “caiçara” memories and stories. By the end of the tour, visitors have the opportunity to sample the local mussel cuisine prepared by women from the community, providing a delicious taste of Cocanha's culinary heritage. The Mussel Festival takes place every year with the primary goal of preserving Caiçara culture through mariculture and promoting tourism in the region. Stands are set up offering a wide variety of delicacies made from mussels, and women are provided with space for selling their products.

Based on field observations, it was found that women participate in greater numbers in meetings focused on culinary-related topics, such as organizing festivals and discussing ways to strengthen culinary traditions in the community. These are among the few occasions where women gather for common interests, apart from family gatherings. S., a 52-year-old cook, believes that women are more organized due to their involvement in culinary activities. She explains:

I believe that women are part of fishing and mariculture, there are women who sell, my aunt sells fish, they sell here. Now, there are more women working because it used to be mostly men. In cooking, one woman pulls another, I pull my sister, I pull my sister-in-law. When it's time to plan for a coffee, dinner, or something, then all the women come, cousins come, sisters come to make lunch.

However, according to interviewees, culinary do not receive the necessary encouragement to be established in the community, as stated by M., a 69-year-old woman:

We have to have a space for ourselves (kitchen), to sell these delicacies, for people to know that here is a place where we cultivate these mussels.

She believes that there is significant potential for growth in mussel cuisine associated with tourism:

I think that since we have mussel cultivation, there is potential for growth here. If we create a model for tourists to come, for them to taste this mussel, for these mussel to enter schools, to teach children that this is a very healthy food, very good for them, and to expand this cultivation so that people come to visit. Have a place for people to visit, to taste and get to know, which is not really available here yet. I think there should be more women from the fishermen involved in shellfish, linked to mariculture. Nieces, women... I think there should be a place for us to sell (mussel cuisine), to introduce people to the place, to be served right there on the beach.

Culinary activities are the primary reason for women's organization in the community, driving diversification of income sources. As part of the CBT and the Mussel Festival initiatives, women in Cocanha actively participate in culinary activities, significantly contributing to the local gastronomy and economy. This involvement not only diversifies economic opportunities but also empowers women as key contributors to the community's cultural and economic identity. However, these activities receive little attention and investment from the local association due to a lack of adequate physical space for culinary activities and low representation of women in decision-making spaces. To address this, support programs for women that promote diversified and climate-resilient practices, offering training and market access, are recommended to enhance economic stability and food security (Das, 2024).

Agency

Agency is the ability of individuals and communities to make choices and take actions that affect their livelihoods and well-being, reflecting their empowerment and capacity to influence outcomes. To understand how agency manifests in gender dynamics within the community, we asked participants if they perceived differences in the appreciation of work between men and women. Among the respondents, 54% of men acknowledged such differences, 38% denied these differences, and 8% don’t know. While the women were divided, with 50% affirming and 50% denying the existence of these differences.

The responses regarding the differences in the valuation of the work of men and women in the community were classified into the following emerging categories: “women participate less”, “lack of unity among women”, “few women in the mussel supply chain”, “task division”, “lack of representation of women in management”, “cultural issues”, “women earn less”, and “lack of culinary incentive”. The word cloud below highlights the categories most frequently mentioned by the interviewed individuals (Fig. 8a).

Drawing from the emergent categories derived from the interview responses, we discerned a causal-effect relationship between the factors contributing to the differential valuation of the work of men and women in Cocanha (Fig. 8b). The significance of developing causal loops lies in the ability to perceive the issue as a systemic problem, facilitating the identification of solutions to disrupt causal relationships or points of intervention for change. This approach has the potential to foster a more equitable environment by addressing underlying dynamics and catalyzing systemic transformation. The "cultural issues" referenced pertain to the social framework that establishes a hierarchical gender relationship, with power primarily concentrated in men—a phenomenon commonly recognized as patriarchy. Dev and Manalo (2023) conducted a systematic review on gender and adaptive capacity, observing that discussions on power often emerged in the context of social and cultural norms dictating gender roles within society. They noted that individuals often expressed their views in accordance with traditional customs and cultural norms prevalent in rural communities. A similar pattern was observed within the artisanal fishing community of Cocanha.

As illustrated in Fig. 8b, this cultural dynamic significantly shapes the division of labor based on gender, assigning certain tasks traditionally to men and others to women. Consequently, fewer women participate in the mussel production chain, as this role is commonly perceived as male-dominated. Consequently, women have reduced involvement in both community meetings and the mussel production chain. This situation reflects patterns observed in rural settings, where men typically dominate the decision-making process, often leaving women marginalized and voiceless in community meetings (Dev and Manalo, 2023).

With the participation of women limited, the agendas promoted by MAPEC and meeting topics lack language (both verbal and non-verbal) that is accessible and sensitive to the female audience. This creates a positive reinforcing feedback loop: as fewer women participate, the agendas become less accessible to them. Consequently, this situation contributes to the lack of representation of women in both meetings and the fishing and mussel production chain. Thus, we observe a positive reinforcement between the lack of female representation and the inaccessibility of agendas.

The aforementioned dynamic influences the lack of unity among women, as they primarily confine their activities to domestic spaces rather than gathering in public areas within the community. This fragmentation contributes to a lack of organized efforts to advocate for culinary activities, preventing effective communication with MAPEC and partner organizations to address their needs. Consequently, the diminished incentive for culinary pursuits results in women receiving less compensation than men within the fishing and mariculture sectors. This disparity arises from the traditional allocation of female labor to fish processing and sales, where financial returns are often minimal or nonexistent. As a result, the perpetuation of unequal earnings reinforces cultural issues, perpetuating the cycle identified in this context.

Instead of setting narrow targets for increasing the participation of women in meetings, it is key to tackle the root causes of gendered vulnerability, along with addressing other forms of vulnerability (Resurrección, 2013). In the case of the Caiçara community of Cocanha, cultural issues represent deeply ingrained social structures that extend beyond the community's immediate capacity to address. Nevertheless, initiatives such as implementing programs aimed at incentivizing mussel culinary endeavors have the potential to foster a more equitable balance of power between men and women.

In addition, it is important to recognize that initiatives driven by adaptation strategies initiated by women can have the potential to alter gendered power dynamics. These initiatives may lead to changes in fisheries or mussel management, and conversely, alterations in fishing stocks or their management can influence shifts in gender relations (Kawarazuka et al., 2017). A noteworthy consideration is that men may exhibit resistance toward adaptive strategies aimed at sustaining their power, while certain initiatives may lead to shifts in existing power dynamics (Kawarazuka et al., 2019). In the context of small-scale fisheries, routine practices like fishermen engaging in fishing activities or mariculturists cultivating mussels, alongside interactions with female traders and financial transactions with their wives, serve to perpetuate established gendered power dynamics (Kawarazuka et al., 2019).

If there were no women in the community, which strategies would not be possible?

As seen in the previous sections, gender inequality affects women's adaptive capacity, thereby limiting the community's overall adaptive capacity. Understanding how gender relations influence adaptive capacity, for example, through the analysis of sex-disaggregated data, leads to more inclusive adaptation measures that benefit the entire community. Based on Cinner et al. (2018), we classified the identified adaptation strategies performed by women in the community of Cocanha. The table below illustrates how women's work strengthens adaptive capacity, aligned with Cinner's concepts (Table 1).

Table 1

Strategies of adaptation performed by women and its related adaptive capacity dimension.
Adaptive capacity dimension	Adaptation strategy developed by women	Explanation
Flexibility	Diversification of livelihoods	Women in the community of Cocanha have already started small businesses in the culinary area as a way to adjust to changing circumstances
Learning	Culinary training and skill development	The opportunities for culinary training and skill development related to mussel-based cuisine not only enriches the expertise of women but also positions them as vital stakeholders in the local culinary scene
	Educational initiatives	The CBT initiative, involving culinary activities, includes educational components that empower women through knowledge transfer
	Traditional Ecological Knowledge transmission	Women promote intergenerational knowledge and adaptive responses to environmental changes based on traditional wisdom
Agency	Entrepreneurial opportunities	Through the preparation and promotion of the dishes, women actively participate in economic activities, contributing to their financial independence and empowerment
Agency	Community leadership and decision-making	The participation of women in decision-making processes related to culinary practices and associated economic activities reflects a commitment to gender-inclusive governance
Organization	Cultural preservation	Women, as guardians of culinary traditions, contribute to the preservation of caiçara heritage, reinforcing their role in passing down cultural practices to future generations

In Cocanha, women play a vital role in supporting the transmission of Traditional Ecological Knowledge related to edible species. For instance, M., a 69-year-old resident of Cocanha, actively engages in teaching younger community members about the identification, harvest, and preparation of various edible plants and seafood found in the local ecosystem. Through hands-on demonstrations and storytelling, she shares her extensive knowledge of indigenous plants, such as medicinal herbs. By passing down this Traditional Ecological Knowledge to future generations, Maria and other women in Cocanha contribute to the preservation of cultural heritage, sustainable resource management, and community resilience in the face of environmental changes. Berger et al. (2023) state that cultural heritage has a strong connection with climate adaptation because it has the potential to overcome and define adaptation strategies and strengthen community resilience.

The challenges associated with accessing women in the community limited our study to the relatively low number of women interviewed. The labor performed by women often takes place within the domestic sphere, where they are heavily occupied with caregiving responsibilities for children and elders, as well as household cleaning tasks. These demanding burdens reduce the women's availability for research interviews, impacting the representation of women's perspectives and experiences in our study. Despite efforts to engage with female community members, the constraints imposed by their caregiving roles and domestic responsibilities posed challenges in achieving a more balanced gender representation in our research sample.

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

Our study concludes that gender inequalities reproduced in the fishing and mussel farming production chain in the Cocanha community, in Brazil, influence the adaptive capacity of the group. In addition, we discover that women play an important role in adaptive capacity; however, their work is undervalued, and their participation in decision-making is limited. By analyzing the specific roles that men and women play within the fishing and mariculture sectors, it becomes possible to understand how adaptive capacity is affected by gender inequalities. A sex-disaggregated analysis of adaptive capacity provides a better understanding of the community's real adaptive capacity and thus allows for more accurate definition of adaptation measures and investments.

Moreover, the gendered perceptions of socio-environmental challenges in the community reveal that women predominantly cited the loss of species, changes in wind patterns, decreases in the intensity of storm surges, and changes in weather predictability as the main changes, while men highlighted inadequate sewage treatment, loss of species, and the decrease in the intensity of storm surges. This divergence in perspectives underscores the importance of considering gender-specific experiences and insights when developing adaptive strategies for the community.

Therefore, it is important to pay attention to adaptation strategies that fail to account for gender differences—known as gender-blind—and can inadvertently reinforce existing gender inequalities. When adaptive measures are designed without considering the distinct roles, responsibilities, and vulnerabilities of men and women, they risk perpetuating the status quo or even exacerbating disparities. Thus, incorporating a gender-sensitive approach in adaptation planning is essential to ensure that strategies promote equality and harness the full potential of all community members.

Additionally, addressing gender bias in policies and decision-making processes is crucial to ensure that women's contributions are adequately acknowledged and incorporated into climate change adaptation strategies. The findings also provide robust evidence that can inform the development of inclusive climate policies. By understanding the gender-specific impacts on adaptive capacity, policymakers can create more effective strategies that enhance resilience for both men and women in fishing communities. It is important to reflect on institutional arrangements aimed at fostering the inclusion and active participation of women in decision-making processes, especially within traditional communities. Further studies are recommended in this domain to explore in greater depth the institutional mechanisms required to facilitate the inclusion and active involvement of women while respecting the cultural context of local communities.

In summary, our paper highlights the potential benefits of gender-inclusive adaptation for sustainable development and may contribute to developing more effective models for analyzing social-ecological resilience. According to Kawarazuka et al. (2017), such contributions can stimulate the collection of gender-disaggregated data in social-ecological resilience analyses. This approach will deepen our understanding of how gender relations in specific contexts relate to instances of social-ecological crises, adaptation, or transformation. And it will also help in thinking of new ways of living life in common.

Competing Interests

The authors have no relevant financial or non-financial interests to disclose.

Funding

This study was financed in part by the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - Brasil (CAPES) - Finance Code 001.

Author Contributions

All authors contributed to the study conception and design. *removed* All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Data Availability

The datasets generated during and/or analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to the confidentiality of the interviewees' data but are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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Statements & Declarations

We translated the term “pardo”. In Brazil, this term refers to o people of mixed African, European, and Indigenous ancestry. However, for a more accurate description of skin color we used “brown”. In addition, according to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), individuals classified as "pardo" are integrated into the broader category of "negro." This classification includes both "pretos" (black) and "pardos" (brown or mixed race) and is used to reflect the country's diverse racial and ethnic composition.

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Innovative Gender Perspectives on Adaptive Capacity in Coastal Communities: A Study Case of the Community of Cocanha, Brazil

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Abstract

Figures

INTRODUCTION

The Caiçara people of Cocanha

METHODOLOGY

Conceptual framework

Study area

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Overview

Sex

Age

Level of education

Skin Color

Learning and knowledge

Assets

Flexibility

Organization

Agency

If there were no women in the community, which strategies would not be possible?

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

Declarations

Competing Interests

Funding

Author Contributions

Data Availability

References

Footnotes

Status:

Version 1