This study shows that the treatment gap for schizophrenia in the two talukas of South India; Thirthahalli and Turuvekere (both, belonging to Karnataka state) is significantly lower (7.16%) than the national average (73.5%). As is construed in the study, treatment gap meant the proportion of persons (never treated persons with schizophrenia) not coming into contact with psychiatric medical services that are present in these areas. In other words, the contact coverage [5] is 93% and only seven out of the hundred needy persons did not utilize the existing
services. To the best of the knowledge of the authors, this is the first study to assess the treatment gap for schizophrenia in a defined administrative block in India. In Thirthalli, the previous gap was 58% [25], that reduced to 3.84% over one and a half decade of this intervention program. Studies elsewhere have shown substantial increase in contact coverage [15] over 12 months across LAMIC centres following implementation of a mental health intervention program at primary health centres (PHCs). The team measured the increase in the proportion of adults seeking treatment using survey method. It revealed an increase in treatment contact coverage at PHCs for common mental disorders that ranged from 8.1% in Nepal to 23.5% in India. However, the drawback in this survey was a possibility of not reaching out to untreated persons living in the community. Thus, treatment gap wasn’t measured in this study rather increase in service utility. The magnitude of reduction in the gap can be essentially seen as a result of the community intervention programs successfully running in these two blocks (taluks) since the past one and a half decade [31]. Public health implications of this finding are potentially far-reaching. It points to the need to provide for a block level (taluk level) mental health program for the country and shows what could be achieved if such a program functions optimally. As is shown in several studies [11, 12, 19, 20, 22, 24, 25, 32–34], the effectiveness of coverage is quite good among those who are in contact with the services. In these lines of contact coverage, certain research groups have demonstrated reduction for depression and alcohol use disorders. Luitel et al compared the contact coverage between baseline and post implementation of a mental health care plan at Nepal based on ‘task shifting’ based intervention for 3 years. It found an increase in the coverage from 8.1–11.8% for depression and 5.1–10.3% for alcohol use disorders. Essentially, our community intervention programs consist of regular outpatient services and periodic outreach to those who drop out of the treatment umbrella. Psychotropic medications and low intensity psychosocial interventions covering education about the illness, need for continued medication adherence, guidance to obtain disability benefits, and vocational avenues etc. are being offered. One psychiatrist (for regular consultations) and a resident non-specialist social worker (for all other psychosocial needs of the patients and logistical aspects of co-ordinating care) are looking after this target population. This approach can roughly cater to two-thirds of the target population (meaningful and effective care over long periods of time). Also, this could be the essential first step in broadening the service delivery scope to the psychosocial domain. For the remaining patient population (one-third), we believe that this low-intensity approach may not work. They require specialized multidisciplinary care in tertiary care centres where full-fledged clinical and psychosocial care is available. Ideally, specialist mental health professionals are to be available for all those in need. Prudence and pragmatism (considering the current human resources scenario) however dictates a measured and phase-wise expansion. As on today, the District Mental Health Program(DMHP); operational arm of the centrally funded National Mental Health Program, is implemented in more than 90% of the districts of India (704 of them as on February 2022, each district having a population of roughly two million) [35]. Each DMHP provides for a team of one psychiatrist, one clinical psychologist, one psychiatric social worker, two nurses and two support staffs). Though the NMHP has been successful in providing near-universal speciality coverage, exhibiting the reduction in treatment gap by the system is lacking. The next logical step would be to expand specialist mental health team to the sub-district (called as blocks or taluks). India has about 8000 taluks and there is provision for one medical officer and one social worker [36]. At the minimum, a medical officer (with MBBS qualification) can be posted at the taluk headquarter to look after the entire region, along with a social worker. Easily available digital technology will ensure collaborative care to those in need [29, 30, 37–42]. An added advantage of this approach is the good service coverage for all other psychiatric disorders as well (common mental disorders and the substance use disorders).
The above plans will not in any way negate the need for exponentially increasing the number of mental health professionals. Indeed, the National Mental Health Policy and the Mental Healthcare Act, 2017 both point towards the state obligations to increase the mental health human resources. Also, our findings are not withstanding the expanding and emerging scope of the concept ‘treatment-gap’ that now specifically adds gap in accessing and accepting psychosocial care. The same applies to the physical health gap too. In any case, the term ‘treatment-gap’ is well entrenched in the terminology of policy makers and serves a utilitarian value. Moreover, in a LAMIC like India, it may be wise to prioritize the clinical gap before targeting the comprehensive mental healthcare gap.
In the study, fairly rigorous and robust methods of case-finding were used [25]. One round of survey by the community health workers (ASHAs) covering all households in both taluks which was followed by repeat visits to 10% households by social workers (aided by psychiatrists over phone/video call). Suspected cases were interviewed by qualified psychiatrists confirming or disconfirming the diagnosis of schizophrenia. Additionally, the authors have accounted for missing cases. Hence, the chance of underestimation of the denominator (target population; total number of persons with schizophrenia residing in a particular area) is extremely small. Also, there are multiple complex reasons for patients not accepting the treatment and also for those who drop out of treatment/care umbrella (demand side challenges) [27, 43, 44]. Evidently, each patient/family has its own set of signature reasons/factors for not contacting the available care or to drop out of the care umbrella. Repeated efforts in bringing such people back into the care bracket may be practically impossible. Treating teams are simply not welcome to their homes. It is also unreasonable for the state to own up and provide all dimensions of care for all such cases. The estimated funds for such an endeavour is mind boggling and appears unfeasible in the near future to dedicate such amount (which comes up to one third of the entire health budget of the country) [45, 46].
Secondly, difference in the ‘gap’ between two cohorts can be attributed to (among others) the variable accessibility of services. While in Thirthahalli, the collaborative care is accessible in the nearest primary health centre (available within 2.5 miles from patients’ houses, roughly), patients in Turuvekere have to travel to the Taluk Headquarter (which is considerably farther from individuals’ houses). It may be noted that ‘distance’ from the care centre is one of the important reasons for not accessing treatment [27]. It is hereby put forth that care-at-doorstep models are useful in ensuring continuity of care [47]. Lastly, we make a mention on the cost-effectiveness of the model of care. This is an area with requires attention in the near future. Potential limitations of the study include not using any diagnostic tools and diagnosis via telephone. The fact that ASHAs did not identify all the cohort patients is another shortcoming. However, as mentioned elsewhere, it could be because not all provided consent for their survey, respondents might have been unaware that they or their family member was not taking treatment for mental illness. Hence, they might have provided a response of ‘no’ for the question on SIO – ‘whether any member of your house has received treatment for a mental illness’, patient was receiving treatment for 'mental illness'. Thus, a possibility of ASHAs missing those who were doing well could be another explanation.