This cross-sectional study of approximately 17,000 families revealed that more than half of the parents experienced moderate or high parenting stress, and 11% experienced moderate to strong depression and anxiety symptoms. One-third of the infants reported crying/whining/sleeping problems, more than one-third reported feeding problems, and some 10% of the older children reported emotional and behavioral problems. Child behavior and current societal challenges (e.g., economic inflation, the Russia-Ukraine War and climate change) were significantly associated with parenting stress and parental mental health symptoms.
A previous study examined a comparable population during the COVID-19 pandemic and reported a high prevalence of parenting stress compared with prepandemic data (51), which further increased from 38 to 51% during the pandemic, independent of restrictions (25). This was confirmed by another pandemic study (52). The present study revealed that more than 53% of the parents experienced parenting stress. This might indicate that the proportion of (strongly) stressed parents continues to increase or at least has not yet relaxed. In particular, the proportion of “strongly stressed” parents was significantly greater in the present survey (16%) than in a previous study (11% during the pandemic) (data not shown). Additionally, as already observed in previous studies, most parents were affected by the subscales “health” and “depression”. High values on the “health” subdomain, as seen in 58% of the parents, indicate physical exhaustion and less energy. High values on the “depression” scale were present in more than two-thirds of the parents and indicated feelings of parental insecurity and guilt. This might lead to the risk for an impaired parent‒child relationship (40), as indicated in a third of the families (“attachment” subscale).
According to the PHQ subscales, 14.6% of the parents reported having anxiety symptoms, and 13.5% reported having depression symptoms. This figure is approximately 4% greater than that in the prepandemic general German population (53). A German prepandemic study reported a mean PHQ-4 score of 1.58 for parents of children up to 4 years of age (54). Another study reported a significant increase in the mean PHQ score from 2.3 to 2.5 in the first year of the pandemic in adults (55). The present postpandemic study population had a mean value of 2.82. Thus, it can be assumed that there has been no improvement in depression or anxiety symptoms since the COVID-19 pandemic, and the prepandemic level has been far exceeded. As initially expected, these findings indicate that pandemic-related stressors may have manifested and impacted long-term mental health in the population. Most likely, the current crises might additionally contribute to the constantly high parental strain.
Overall, our data point towards certain restrictions in parental functioning, which might have negative consequences for a healthy parent‒child relationship and sensitive parenting behavior (20). This, in turn, could lead to mental health problems in children. In this study, more than one-third of the parents reported behavioral problems in their infants. Excessive crying was present in 6.1% of the infants, which is within the normal range(56, 57) and slightly greater than that reported in a previous study in which the same measurement tool was used (25).
Problems pertaining to sleeping and whining were observed in almost 35% of the infants, which is comparable to the findings of a previous study, where the proportion of these problems increased during the pandemic to 35.5% (25). These higher rates are associated with higher rates of the abovementioned parenting stress and parental mental health, leading to the assumption that this parenting stress and mental health issues favour infant crying/whining/sleeping problems or vice versa. Feeding problems were present in approximately 35% of the infants, which is similar to pandemic data (30, 25), suggesting that feeding problems may be more based on multiple risk factors (e.g. sensory aversion or sensitivity in the throat area).
Taken together, the rates of parenting stress, parental mental health symptoms and infants’ crying/whining and sleeping problems are higher than those before the pandemic and have not decreased afterwards. This suggests that a plateau might have been reached. Constantly elevated stress levels due to the pandemic and subsequent ecological problems, the societal division added by the Russia–Ukraine war, climate change and global political troubles might hinder the relaxation of stress exposure. Hence, there is no peak, but there is a plateau of familial burden.
In contrast, children aged 2 years and older did not have higher values of emotional and behavioral problems than did those in previous studies. The SDQ yielded 19.2% of the toddlers showing at least borderline behavior, which is in the normal range and almost at a prepandemic level (17–18%) (58). Among pre- and primary schoolers, 18.5% reported behavioral conspicuities, which is less than during the pandemic (25), suggesting that a prepandemic level might be reached soon. The constantly inconspicuous rates of emotional and behavioral problems might be a result of children being older, being less dependent on their parents and potentially being less vulnerable to parenting stress than infants are. Additionally, it cannot be ruled out that the application of the SDQ, which aims to screen for psychiatric disorders more than observing smaller changes in child behavior, is the reason for the constant rates (47). However, this should not be a reason to lose sight of these children, since current studies on children aged 11 years and older reported high levels of stress and worries due to the pandemic, climate change and the Russia-Ukraine-War (32, 23). Therefore, preventive measures to avoid the occurrence of mental health problems in this generation should be initiated.
Although the population under study had average to high income (59), almost 60% perceived economic inflation as stressful or very stressful. A perceived good financial situation seems to be protective against mental health problems since it was negatively associated with parental mental health symptoms in parents of children up to 4 years of age. Surprisingly, this phenomenon occurred in parents of pre- and primary school-aged children, where a perceived good financial situation was positively associated with parenting stress. It is conceivable that a higher workload (i.e., more responsibilities in the job, compatibility of career and family) results in a greater burden and hence more parenting stress. Furthermore, radicalization and social division were among the most stressful current societal challenges (49.3%), followed by the Russian-Ukraine-War. These problems may touch families rather indirectly and are therefore not as challenging as direct-acting economic inflation. To date, only a few studies have focused on the postpandemic period. However, these findings already show that societal challenges are increasingly stressful, especially for the younger generation (32, 23).
As shown in the regression analyses, parenting stress and mental health symptoms had the strongest associations with child behavior problems and societal challenges across all age groups. There is evidence confirming the association between child psychological problems and parenting stress (20) since conspicuous child behavior may require more parental resources, leading to less energy and emotional availability, as indicated in the EBI subscales. However, child behavior problems are measured by parent reports and might hence be overestimated by burdened parents. It cannot be ruled out that, vice versa, parenting stress and mental health symptoms may impact a child’s behavior, as shown in previous studies (20).
Additionally, across all age groups, societal challenges were strongly associated with both parenting stress and parental depression and anxiety symptoms. These challenges potentially impact the family system directly, such as pandemic-related measures or increased expenses, and indirectly, such as increased anxiety due to armed conflicts. To date, there has been weak evidence on the relationship between environmental factors and parenting stress. Thus, the results cannot be compared with other findings, which makes further research indispensable.
In parents of children aged 2 years and older, both parenting stress and mental health were significantly associated with external care. It is conceivable that parents are stressed because economic inflation forces them to work more hours, which in turn forces them to send their children to external care for a longer period of time. On the other hand, a recent study revealed that parenting stress was greater when external care was “formal”, i.e., not performed by family members (such as grandparents), and thus was independent from external rules and pressure (60). This cannot be proven on the basis of our data. However, external care was highly correlated with parental working hours (data not shown), suggesting that more working hours may lead to increased parenting stress.
Being a single parent was significantly associated with parental mental health symptoms, which can be interpreted bidirectionally: mentally burdened parents might have more family conflicts, resulting in separation or divorce. In contrast, single parents have a greater mental load (61), which might cause symptoms of depression or even anxiety.
In summary, young families have experienced certain challenges and changes at different levels in recent years. According to Bronfenbrenner theory (62), such changes might influence a child’s development. For example, high parenting stress impacts a child’s microsystem. The macrosystem, i.e., culture, ideology, laws, etc., has changed due to the pandemic, the Russia–Ukraine War, and climate change because all these challenges have caused fear of the future, political debates, uncertainty, and division in society. Hence, an impact of the surrounding systems on a child’s psychological development cannot be ruled out.
Strengths and Limitations
The study has a very large sample size, applied validated questionnaires and had very few missing data. This is the first study on the impact of multiple crises on families with infants and toddlers. With a sample size of n = 17,333, even very small effects could be found with a statistical power of .9 and a significance level of α = .05.
However, selection bias cannot be ruled out: the population comprised only app users and were almost exclusively German citizens living in Bavaria. Nevertheless, the population had an education level similar to that of the average German population (63) but a rather high income, which limits generalizability and might lead to a slight underestimation of our results. To explore the direction of certain effects, a cross-sectional survey is not appropriate, but a follow-up survey is ongoing and will shed light on some open questions.