The Nexus between Multilingualism and Criminality in Ghana, West Africa: A Qualitative Analysis through the Lens of Symbolic Interactionism Theory

doi:10.21203/rs.3.rs-4939817/v1

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The Nexus between Multilingualism and Criminality in Ghana, West Africa: A Qualitative Analysis through the Lens of Symbolic Interactionism Theory

https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-4939817/v1

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This study focuses on multilingualism, and criminality, from the perspective of symbolic interactionism theory. The researchers adopted a qualitative approach, utilizing ethnographic research design, to, thus, explore the complex relationship between such communication symbolism and deviant behavior in the Ghanaian cultural context. Here, the researchers conducted semi-structured interviews with three categories of participants: 10 deviant individuals, or criminals, from Ankaful prisons, and in the communities, through non-participant observation, 8 community members, and 4 law enforcement officers. Actually, the researchers employed purposive sampling method to ensure that participants have relevant expertise in, and/or firsthand knowledge related to, communication symbolism in deviant subcultures. The findings of the study, primarily, showed that communication, through multilingualism, conveys identities and codes thinly, and it is an effective symbol of group connection. Interestingly, the complicated dynamics surrounding the stigmatization, and labelling, of communication symbolism of language is observed to have an impact on deviant people's self-esteem, and their interaction with law enforcement. Therefore, as a concrete method of identifying, and comprehending, such communication symbolism within deviant, and criminal, subcultures, policymakers, according to this study, may form a collaborative task force consisting of law enforcement officers, community leaders and cultural experts.

Communication Symbolism

Criminality

Cultural Identity

Identity Construction

Language Communication

Multilingualism

Research in the field of language has brought, to the fore, a thematic area concerning the critical role of language in shaping socio-legal realities. Language, in this vein, has been considered a powerful tool in the transformation of social conduct into identity categorizations, and a majority of studies in this field have analyzed the legal space as a site of linguistic inequality (Matoesian 1999; Cotterill 2004). Like the case for the current study, which is concentrated on Ghana, the primary focus of analysis in most past studies has been the social and institutional hegemony of multilingualism ideologies that are, persistently, detrimental to speakers of minority languages in procedural contexts.

Discourse analysis and interpreting studies, in particular, have made much of the documented conflict between multilingualism and criminality (Maryns, 2013). The current study examines how the legal institution oversees and regulates the multilingual performance of its clients by drawing on and expanding upon the linguistic ideological issues brought up in these texts. The multilingual legal environment is genuinely advancing the norm in the increasingly globalized world. However, despite the fact that multilingual repertoires help speakers build their identities, they are rarely recognized as significant and practical resources in legal and institutional contexts. It is important to emphasize that procedural language ideologies involve highly culturally particular interpretations of the link between language and identity, even though they are applicable to multilingual and multiethnic environments. Conceptually, a deeply ingrained nationalist view of language is an ideology that, more likely than not, persists longer in the legal domain than in other structured facets of society; it establishes a "monoglot standard," ideally a national standard; it imposes a multilingual litigant's performance against "hegemonically-organized" language regimes; and it acts as a functionally-differentiated norm that all language use is measured against (Silverstein, 1998; Blommaert et al., 2005). When these concepts are put into effect, multilingual clients are essentially forced to isolate one particular variety from their entire repertoire of linguistic resources, which significantly reduces their ability to articulate their ideas and support their claims.

For the most part, crimes require the defendant to have a specific mental state (mens rea) and perform a specific kind of wrongdoing (actus reus). In actuality, a lot of wrongdoings—like assault and battery, rape, or homicide—involve physical violence. Nonetheless, it is not uncommon for speech to be used as a vehicle for wrongdoing (and this is the subject of this study). Thus, it is clear that language is used to commit a lot of crimes.

Thus, speech acts entail employing language to carry out specific kinds of actions, as the name implies. The English philosopher J.L. Austin initially put forth the speech act theory in 1962. Among others, John Searle extended it further in 1969. They emphasized that in addition to carrying meaning, words may also act. Speech can be used for many different purposes, such as agreeing, demanding, threatening, and asking. In specific circumstances, some of these actions are forbidden.

The speech act hypothesis is applicable to both criminal law and some aspects of civil law, including contracts. Certain speech actions are defined by the actor's intention (called the act's illocutionary force); other speech acts are defined by the impact the act has on the listener (called the act's perlocutionary effect). The actor's intent is actually the driving force behind all language offenses. It suggests that in order to be found guilty of solicitation, one must have planned to commit a crime. However, as was already said, there are many who are equally worried about the act's perlocutionary effect. Regardless of the intention, a comment is obviously not a threat if it does not make the recipient feel afraid.

For the current study, deviance is defined as behaviors, or actions, that deviate from the established social norms, and values, within Ghanaian society; as given by Boakye (2012). Crime prevention education, on the other hand, can be seen as a form of social learning; where individuals are exposed to information, skills, and attitudes, that can help them prevent crime, and promote safety (Mensah, 2024). In view of that, rule of law must be sanctioned without prejudice (Mensah, 2022). Against the scanty literature, the current study, thus, reveals how deviant groups in Ghana can use language as a symbolic tool to perpetrate their acts, and to control their behavior and interactions with society.

In general, this study attempts to ask how language affects crime in Ghana. Based on this, the study focuses, keenly, on obtaining answers to the following research questions:

How do criminals, or deviant individuals, in Ghana use language as a symbolic tool to communicate their affiliations with deviant, or criminal, subcultures?

How does the process of labeling and stigmatization, related to multilingualism and criminality, affect individuals’/criminals' experiences, and behaviors, in Ghana; particularly, in their interactions with law enforcement, peers, and the broader community?

So, generally, this study seeks to address the above critical gap (scantiness of literature) by embarking on a rigorous exploration of the role of language (multilingualism) in criminality within Ghana, aiming to provide concrete evidence of, and insights into, the ways that communication choices affiliate with criminal subculture. Specifically, this study seeks to:

Examine the means through which criminals, or deviant individuals, in Ghana use language as a symbolic tool to communicate their affiliations with deviant, or criminal, subcultures.

Investigate the means by which the process of labeling and stigmatization, related to multilingualism and criminality, affects individuals’/criminals' experiences, and behaviors, in Ghana; particularly, in their interactions with law enforcement, peers, and the broader community.

The above questions, and objectives, are important because they inform social policy development by exploring how the communication symbolism of language relates with criminality, helping policymakers to create strategies that are better aligned with the values, and beliefs, of the Ghanaian population. Also, policymakers can create focused crime prevention efforts; if they know that specific language choices are linked to criminal acts. This might entail campaigns for community involvement, educational programs, or law enforcement actions that target the designated acts. Actually, given that the study addresses the representation of crime through language, it provides insightful information on possible strategies for reducing crime; encouraging a safer society, and increasing the efficacy of crime prevention initiatives. Additionally, the research raises social awareness about the consequences of verbal communication choices; empowers individuals to make informed decisions about their communication, and how it represents them; and facilitates cross-cultural dialogues, and exchanges, by highlighting the cultural, and social, significance of communication in Ghana, leading to a greater appreciation of Ghanaian culture within the global language landscape. Moreover, researchers and students will be able to lay their hands on empirical findings which can aid in literature review (Mensah & Gyamfua Akuoko, 2023).

The rest of this paper is organized as follows: first, the scope of the study is defined; then, an overview of theoretical literature is provided; furthermore, the methodology of the study is described, which is followed by the findings and discussion being presented; and, finally, the conclusion and recommendations, social implications of the study, limitations of the study, and suggestions for further studies, are given.

1.1 Scope of the Study

The study pertains to Ghana within West Africa. West Africa is a region encompassing 16 nations, and it is distinguished by an extraordinary linguistic heterogeneity, with over 1,500 languages being spoken across the nations. Multilingualism is, thus, a hallmark of the region. The region's linguistic diversity provides a complex landscape that criminal groups can exploit to facilitate their activities, communicate secretly, and establish identity and control. For instance, the Liberian group, “The LURD,” adopts the Liberian Kreyol language as part of their identity, signaling membership and allegiance to the group. It is noteworthy that Ghana, being a nation which is nestled in the heart of West Africa, has over 30 million people speaking more than 100 tongues, with many languages serving as a symbol of identity and tradition. English, the official language of the nation, is, widely, spoken, but local languages, like Akan, Ewe, Ga and Hausa, are, also, prominent. The northern region, which, specifically, borders Burkina Faso and Côte d'Ivoire, has a significant number of languages that are spoken, including Gurma, Bissa, and Wala. The southern region, which, particularly, borders Togo and the Atlantic Ocean, has a higher concentration of Kwa languages, including Akan, Ewe and Ga. Indeed, Ghana's unique blend of both cultural and linguistic factors has shaped its identity and character, making it a fascinating nation with a rich cultural heritage and a vibrant linguistic landscape. So, like most West Africans, Ghanaians are multilingual; and code-switching and language blending are common to be observed among them, facilitating communication across ethnic, and regional, boundaries. Criminal groups, in this regard, can use their code-switching, and language blending, abilities to create a secret code; thereby, playing a significant role in shaping criminal identity. For example, the “Ashaiman Land Guards” in Accra switch between Ga, Ewe, and Twi, languages to create a secret code, making it harder for their victims to decipher their messages.

Table 1

A Summary of the Linguistic Landscape of Ghana by Tribes and Region
Region	Tribe(s)	Language(s) Spoken
Eastern	Akyem	Akyem
	Krobo	Krobo
	Guans	Guan
	Akuapem	Akuapem Twi
	Kwahu	Akan
Ashanti	Asante	Asante Twi
Brong Ahafo	Bono	Bono
	Ligbi	Mande
Central	Fantes	Mfanti
Greater Accra	Gas	Ga, Dangbe
	Ada	Ada
	Eve	Anglo
Volta	Tongu	Tongu
	Guans	Guan
	Ada	Ada
	Ewe	Ewe, Adele
Bono East	Akan	Akan
	Mande	Mande
	Dagbon	Dagbanli
Oti	Guans	Guan, Buem
	Kotokoli	Kotokoli
	Ewes	Anglo
	Nkonya	Nkonya
Ahafo	Akan	Akan
Upper East	Fafra	Fafra
	Kusaasi	Kusaal
	Kasena	Kasem
	Busanga	Bissa
	Mamprusi	Mamprunli
Upper West	Sissala	Sissali
	Waala	Wali
	Dagaati	Dagaare
	Birifor	Birifor
	Gur	Chakali
Northern	Gonja	Gonja
	Dagomba	Dagbanli
	Nanumba	Nanumb
	Mamprunsi	Mamprunli
	Kokomba	Kokomba
Savannah	Gonja	Gonja
	Tamprusi	Tampulma
	Dagomba	Dagbanli
	Gurunsi	Vagla
	Mamprusi	Mamprunli
North East	Kokomba	Kokomba
	Mamprusi	Mamprunli
	Bimoba	Bimoba
	Tamprusi	Tampulma
	Kusaasi	Kusaal
Western	Wassas	Wassa
	Sefwis	Sefwi, Twi
	Fantes	Fante
	Ahantas	Ahanta
	Nzemas	Nzema
	Brosa	Aowin
	Pepesa	Jwira-Pepesa
Western North	Sefwi	Sefwi
	Ayeni
	Brosa	Aowin
Note: Table 1 is not exhaustive of all the tribes, and languages, in Ghana, West Africa
Source: Ghana News Agency, 2019

A suitable theory to guide the current study is symbolic interactionism theory. This is a foundational theory; based on its use in a comparable study that was conducted by authors as Mensah et al. (2023). Symbolic interactionism is a sociological perspective that focuses on how individuals, and groups, create, and interpret, symbols, including language, to communicate, and construct, meaning in their social interactions (Charmaz et al., 2019). The use of symbolic interactionism theory is supported by Kwakye-Opong (2014) and Dzramedo et al. (2013); who highlighted the symbolic significance of multilingualism in traditional Ghanaian societies and institutions respectively. Thus, these studies underscored the importance of language in communicating social roles and cultural values. By and large, Giordano et al. (2007) contributed to this discussion by exploring the emotional and individualistic aspects of criminal behavior, which can be linked to the symbolic meanings of language.

As a theoretical framework for studies as this one, symbolic interactionism theory emphasizes the idea that language serves as a medium of communication, and a symbol of an individual's identity, affinities and values, in addition to serving as a practical means of knowing each other. This theory directs the investigation into the dynamics that are associated with different language choices, as well as into other communication dynamics in Ghana. Understanding how particular communication items, or language choices, are linked to criminality, and how these connotations have a significant influence on the way people view themselves and other people, is a key motive of this philosophy. The theory of symbolic interactionism implies that researchers can learn more about how communication reflects, and shapes, identity, beliefs, and group connections, in the Ghanaian society by looking at the cultural, and social, importance of language.

The theory of symbolic interactionism is, also, very useful for understanding the process of stigmatization and labeling. In Ghana, labeling occurs when others perceive someone's language as an indication of criminal activity, or as a representation of a deviant subculture. This labeling can have a significant impact on the person's self-perception, as well as how others regard them. Exclusion, prejudice and animosity are social outcomes of stigmatization; that can, as well, shape a person's identity and behavior. It is for this reason that the current study aims to shed light on how the practice of labeling and stigmatization, related to verbal communication choices (multilingualism) and criminality, affects people's/criminals’ experiences, and behaviors, within the Ghanaian culture; thus, through the lens of symbolic interactionism theory.

The symbolism of language in crime is a complicated, and multidimensional, matter that must be examined for any nation as Ghana, as deduced from the theory of symbolic interactionism. Both Dzramedo et al. (2013) and Kwakye-Opong (2014) emphasized the importance of communication in traditional and cultural contexts. While Dzramedo et al. (2013) focused on how modernity affects traditional language, Kwakye-Opong (2014) discussed how communication is used during the Homowo celebration. In spite of researchers having delved deeper into the symbolism of language in Ghana (following independence), their studies have not, specifically, examined the symbolic relationship between language and crime. Thus, according to the discussions by Abban and Brenyah (2022) and Oteng-Ababio et al. (2016), on the media's coverage of language education, and the intricate factors that contribute to crime in Ghana, there has not been any investigation of the direct symbolic connection of language to crime in Ghana. Also, while Wrigley-Asante et al. (2016) discussed the connection between crime and poverty in Ghanaian urban low-income neighborhoods, they did not, really, address the role of language in this relationship. Azumah et al. (2019) and Akinbileje (2014), rather, offered more comprehensive insights into crime analysis, and the symbolic significance of language, in African society respectively; although they did not, specifically, concentrate on Ghana. After all, Nwalozie (2015) claimed that culturally-identifiable characteristics, including music genre, language, and tattoos, aid in the identification of deviant youth. Therefore, more research is required to, directly, explore the function of multilingualism in criminality in Ghana, even as these studies offer insightful information about the cultural, and societal, relevance of language in the nation.

In relation to the above, the stigmatization and labeling dimension, pertaining to the symbolism of language in criminality, is a complex issue which is worthy of probe for Ghana. It is important to note that the traditional Ghanaian language has great symbolic meaning, and it reflects cultural identity and heritage (Dzramedo et al., 2013). For instance, the Ga people's Homowo celebration promotes societal development through the use of language symbolism (Kwakye-Opong, 2014). However, the viability of these traditional languages is under threat from contemporary influences (Dzramedo et al., 2013). Here, people with a criminal record, or recidivists, experience stigma, and discrimination, in many facets of their lives (which may include their language) within the framework of criminality (Dako-Gyeke & Baffour, 2016; Denver et al., 2017). Thus, studies show how important it is to have a deeper comprehension of the way language symbolism, and criminality, functions in stigmatization within Ghana.

2.1 Relevance of Symbolic Interactionism Theory as the Theoretical Framework for the Study

Symbolic interactionism theory, as the theoretical framework, underscores the idea that language is not just a symbol for ethnicities and tribes, but a medium through which individuals communicate, and symbolize, aspects of their identity, beliefs and affiliations. In the Ghanaian context, communication is, particularly, imbued with cultural, and social, connotations. This theory, thus, guides the study's exploration into the nuanced meanings that are attached to various communication choices, and elements, in Ghana. As a matter of fact, it helps to understand how certain language choices are associated with criminality symbolically, and how these meanings, profoundly, impact the way individuals perceive themselves and others. Therefore, by examining the cultural, and social, symbolism of language, researchers gain insight into how it reflects, and shapes, identity, values, and group affiliations, within the Ghanaian society; as far as, even, criminality is concerned.

From the social perspective (as indicated above), the theory of symbolic interactionism places a strong emphasis on the role of social interactions in shaping individuals' perceptions and behaviors. In the context of this study, it, first, offers a valuable lens through which one can examine how individuals, who communicate in certain languages that are associated with criminality, interact with various social groups. This includes their interactions with peers, community members, and law enforcement. Thereafter, by delving into these interactions, the theory helps the study to uncover how communication, through language, may be a conduit for social dynamics; influencing the way individuals are treated, and how they behave in different social contexts. So, these insights contribute to a deeper understanding of how communication choices intersect with social relationships and identities.

Likewise, symbolic interactionism theory is, particularly, pertinent in comprehending the process of labeling and stigmatization. Labeling and stigmatization are, basically, the social processes through which individuals in Ghana are identified, categorized, and, negatively, judged, based on their communication, and/or language, choices; potentially, leading to prejudice, discrimination, or marginalization. Precisely, when individuals in Ghana perceive someone's communication, or language, as a symbol of criminal behavior, or as an emblem that is associated with deviant subcultures, they (the former) engage in the act of labeling. This labeling may have profound effects; not only on the individual's self-concept, but, also, on how he, or she, is treated by others. Succinctly, stigmatization may result in exclusion, discrimination, or, even, hostility; and these social consequences may, as well, influence an individual's behavior and identity. Through the lens of symbolic interactionism theory, the study, therefore, seeks to illuminate how the act of labeling, and the associated stigmatization, is not, only, linked to language choices and criminality, but, also, how this influences the experiences, and actions, of individuals, or criminals, within the Ghanaian society.

2.2 Conceptual Framework

The conceptual framework for this study is grounded in symbolic interactionism, a sociological perspective that emphasizes the role of symbols, and social interactions, in shaping human behavior and identity. Symbolic interactionism (or the theory) provides a comprehensive lens through which the purpose of the study is examined, as predicted in Figure 1 below.

Symbolic interactionism posits that individuals attach meanings to symbols, including language. Language is, in fact, a symbolic system through which culture is transmitted. It is, also, noteworthy that some languages contain a system of symbols that are used for written communication, while others rely on, only, spoken communication and nonverbal actions. In the context of this study, however, individuals, who are part of deviant, or criminal, subcultures, use language as a symbol to convey their affiliations and allegiances. Here, communication, through language, becomes a symbolic marker that signifies membership in these subcultures, signaling shared values, beliefs, and norms. Through in-depth interviews, non-participant observation, and analysis of language choices, the current study, thus, seeks to understand the intricate layers of symbolism, attached to communication, within these subcultures. It explores how certain communication styles, accessories, and symbols, are interpreted, and imbued with meaning, by individuals, reflecting their engagement in deviant, or criminal, activities. To be precise, this exploration will elucidate the profound role of multilingualism in identity construction within these subcultures.

Furthermore, symbolic interactionism is, particularly, relevant to understanding the process of labeling and stigmatization (Mensah et al., 2020). When individuals in Ghana encounter those who speak different languages, that is, through the act of communication symbolizing criminal affiliations, the former group engages in the act of labeling. This act, thus, involves, or emanates from, attaching specific symbolic meanings to the language, associating it with criminal behavior, or deviance. Symbolic interactionism allows one to delve into how this labeling process unfolds within the Ghanaian society; examining the factors that influence it, and the consequences that result. Indeed, individuals who are labeled as deviant, based on their multilingual prowess, may experience stigmatization; which can affect their self-concept, and how they are treated by others.

In summary, as shown in Figure 1, symbolic interactionism serves as the theoretical foundation on which this study develops its conceptual framework; enabling a holistic understanding of how language choices, symbols, and social interactions, shape the meanings that are associated with communication, in the context of deviant, and criminal, subcultures in Ghana. Ultimately, this conceptual framework elucidates how these meanings influence individuals' behavior, social experiences, and self-identity, as well as the process of labeling, and stigmatization, that is associated with multilingualism, and criminality, in Ghana.

This study employs a qualitative research approach, aligning with a constructivist research philosophical position, to explore the complex relationship between communication symbolism, through language, and deviant, or criminal, behavior within the Ghanaian context. Thus, this approach is better suited to investigate the cultural significance of language, symbolism, and social interactions, within Ghana which is a complex, and culturally-diverse, country. To achieve this, an ethnographic research design, that fosters an insider's perspective, and a deep understanding, of the cultural context, is chosen. Skinner (2013) confirmed this rationale for applying an ethnographic research design.

Qualitative research is essential for the current study because it aligns with the nature of the research objectives; which revolves exploring symbolism, cultural context, and social interactions. In fact, it allows for an in-depth, and contextually-valid, investigation of the complex relationship between language and criminality within the unique Ghanaian context. After all, according to Van Burg et al. (2022), qualitative research allows for a deep exploration of complex phenomena, and provides insights into participants' subjective viewpoints.

Members of deviant, or criminal, subcultures, law enforcement, and community members, are the participants in the current study. Interestingly, members of deviant, or criminal, subcultures possess unique insights into the symbolism, and cultural significance, of communication within their respective groups. Their experiences from, and interpretations of, communication, are essential to uncovering the depth of meaning pertaining to communication, and/or the role that communication plays in their lives. This study, however, includes participants from law enforcement, and the community, to ensure a balanced perspective. Their observations, and reactions to individuals, based on their communication choices, offer a more comprehensive view of how society responds to communication symbolism. The researchers of the current study are, actually, seen to spend extended periods within the studied communities, noted to gain the trust of their inhabitants, and known to observe their behaviors, interactions, and practices, related to multilingualism as a tool of communication. In effect, these have been of assistance to the researchers in gaining a deep understanding of how language is used as a symbol within criminal subcultures in Ghana.

Specifically, individuals, who are involved in criminal activities, are included in the study as participants, due to the valuable insight that they contribute to the issue under consideration. They have firsthand knowledge about the symbolism behind certain types of language within their specific criminal subcultures, as they participate in these activities. Not only do they have such firsthand knowledge, but some of these participants have exposed what it means to speak certain language in signaling status, affiliation, or involvement in criminal activities, among their peers and the community at large. Criminals, or deviant individuals, are seen to, particularly, be of interest; mostly, because sensitive information on how communication choices are used for concealment, disguise, or to avoid detection by law enforcement, can, only, be sought from such individuals. Researchers, in this way, emphasize the importance of considering the offender's perspective in research that pertains to crime; similarly, others highlight the potential of offender interviews in informing intelligence-led policing strategies. Law enforcement officers, who are mandated to keep such deviant behaviors off the street, are privy to important information, based on experiences, and observations, from dealing with criminal cases; such as specific communication items, or styles, which are, commonly, associated with certain types of criminal behavior, and how the general perception about such communication style relates with law enforcement agencies which are needed for this study. Also, the current study includes common folks from communities; because these community members, usually, observe communication styles, within the community, that are associated with criminal activities, on which they can provide their perception, which contributes to the purview on communication symbolism that is associated with criminal activities in such communities. Actually, community members are, often, the target of studies on criminality, since they are, mostly, the victims of criminal activities; therefore, holding valuable knowledge (by these community folks) has been crucial to such studies.

Accordingly, primary data is utilized in this study. In addition to non-participant observation, a semi-structured interview guide is used as a data collection tool. To be precise, semi-structured interviews, through open-ended questions and active listening, are observed to allow participants to share their insights, experiences, and opinions, about communication symbolism within deviant, or criminal, subcultures. This approach facilitates the exploration of diverse viewpoints, while ensuring a focused discussion on the study's objectives. The exploratory research methodology is, essentially, advanced to examine the dynamics of criminal activities from the victims’ perspective (Ennin & Mensah, 2022).

A total of 22 participants are, purposefully, sampled for this study, including 10 deviants or criminals, 8 community members, 2 police officers and 2 prison officers. In actual fact, the deviant individuals are chosen from Ankaful prisons, and in the communities, through non-participant observation. Also, the community members are selected from local community organizations at Amamoma (Cape Coast), Nima (Accra), Ashaiman (Tema), Kwesimintsim (Takoradi) and Ashtown (Kumasi). Additionally, law enforcement officers are selected from the Takoradi Market Circle Police Station. Purposive sampling, a non-random sampling technique, is, thus, chosen for this study, due to its alignment with the research objectives, and the specific expertise that is required from the participants. According to Saunders (2014), purposive sampling allows researchers to, intentionally, select participants who possess firsthand knowledge, and experience, related to the research topic. The choice of a sample size of 22 participants in Ghana is influenced by considerations of feasibility, generalizability to the Ghanaian context, depth of analysis, and the desire to achieve data saturation.

The interviews are, individually, conducted in person, and some are conducted through phone communication methods. As a matter of fact, the interview process for this study is conducted using a semi-structured approach; allowing for flexibility, while ensuring that key topics are explored, consistently, across participants. The duration of each interview varies, depending on participants’ availability, and the depth of discussion; typically, lasting between 30 minutes and an hour. Moreover, interviews are conducted to take place in settings that are conducive to open, and candid, conversations; including community centers, police stations, and neutral public locations that are chosen to accommodate participants' preferences, and to ensure privacy. Examples of the relevant questions, which are designed to elicit rich insights into participants' perceptions, experiences, and observations, regarding communication symbolism within deviant and criminal subcultures, include inquiries about the significance of specific communication items or accessories, personal experiences with labeling, and stigmatization, related to multilingualism, and perspectives on the interactions between communication symbolism and social dynamics. Furthermore, the interviews are audio-recorded with participants' consent. These audio recordings are, later, transcribed into written text for analysis. It is, however, noteworthy that non-participant observations occur over several sessions, spanning various times of the day, and locations, including poorly-lit alleys, public gathering spots, and community events, where individuals, associated with deviant or criminal groups, congregate usually. Detailed notes are, indeed, taken, regarding participants' communication choices, behaviors, and interactions, allowing for comprehensive insights and discussions. Data processing is, as well, conducted using NVivo version 12.1. The analysis, actually, follows a thematic analysis approach, aiming to identify recurring themes, patterns, and insights, within the interview transcripts. Here, the process involves multiple steps. It starts with familiarization with the data; through repeated readings of the transcripts. Initial codes are, then, generated to identify meaningful units of text. These codes are, subsequently, organized into broader themes that are related to communication symbolism, and its influence on identity, behavior, and social interactions.

To ensure the rigor, and trustworthiness, of the study, several measures are taken. Member checking, where participants are provided with summaries of their interviews to validate accuracy, is conducted. In addition, peer debriefing, as well as consultation with experienced researchers, are undertaken to gain external perspectives on data interpretation. The study, also, aims for data saturation to be achieved. It is key to note, here, that data saturation occurs when no new themes, or insights, emerge from additional interviews, indicating that a comprehensive understanding of the research topic has been reached (Fusch & Ness, 2015).

Ethics Statement

Prior to data collection, informed consent is obtained from all participants; thus, after participants are asked to, voluntarily, agree to participate, and sign consent forms. The consent, in this case, is voluntary, specific, and offered without coercion, bribery, or misinformation of any kind. This process includes explaining the research purpose, the nature of the study, and the rights of the participants. Due to the low level of literacy of most participants, like the community members and the supposed deviants in the community, verbal consent is observed to be more appropriate, to them, than the written consent; hence, verbal consent is sought, appropriately, with no ethical clearance being required from any relevant ethics committee. Additionally, owing to the sensitive nature of, and/or the feature of confidentiality which is possessed by, the security officers, signing contract-like documents presents a concern; hence, they are, also, seen to agree verbally, relative to a written consent. Confidentiality, and anonymity, is, in fact, maintained by using pseudonyms (anonymized), as well as securely-stored audio recordings and transcripts. Respecting the privacy, and safety, of participants is, thus, paramount when delving into stigmatized, or deviant, subcultures. Ethical Clearance was obtained from Takoradi Technical University Ethical Review Committee (TTUERC) before the collection of data.

3.1 Sample

3.1.1 Background Characteristics

The background characteristics of the participants in the study provide important context for the research. Table 2 presents background information variables, such as age, sex, and educational level, of deviant individuals (or criminals), community members, and law enforcement officers, specifically, the police, and prison, officers.

Out of the 22 participants, 10 are deviant individuals, or criminals; with four participants falling within the age range of 28-37, and one participant whose age is between 48 and 57, indicating the presence of an older individual within the deviant, or criminal, subcultures. Among the 10 deviant individuals, or criminals, two are persons from communities (Kwesimintsim and Amamoma), who have not been sentenced by a court of competent jurisdiction. This finding indicates that not all of these individuals, involved in deviant, or criminal, subcultures, have been subject to formal legal proceedings. This, then, raises questions about the legal responses, and interventions, related to deviant behavior within the community, and the factors contributing to individuals' involvement in such activities. In terms of gender, the findings reveal that seven of the deviant individuals, or criminals, are male, while three are female. This gender distribution is remarkable, as it challenges stereotypical perceptions of the association between gender and crime. It suggests that both males and females may, actively, participate in deviant, or criminal, subcultures, and understanding the motivations, and experiences, of both genders is essential. The study, also, sheds light on the educational background of the deviant individuals, or criminals. A significant majority, being nine, has informal education, while, only, one has formal education. This finding implies that a substantial portion of these individuals do not have access to formal education, or they may have limited educational opportunities. The prevalence of informal education within this group, thus, may be indicative of various socioeconomic, and environmental, factors that contribute to limited educational attainment. Understanding the educational background of these individuals is, therefore, crucial for comprehending their life circumstances, as well as the factors that may have influenced their choices and affiliations.

Furthermore, with regard to the eight community members that are engaged in the study, their ages are distributed as follows: two fall within the age range of 18-27, four are in the age range of 28-37, one is in the age range of 38-47, and the other one is in the age range of 48-57. In this vein, the majority of participants, comprising 50%, belong to the age range of 28-37. This age group, often, represents a stage of life where individuals are, actively, engaged in their communities; and may have diverse perspectives on communication symbolism, and its impact on identity and crime. The inclusion of participants from the age range of 18-27, comprising 25%, is, also, significant, as it represents a younger demographic bracket. Actually, young adults in this age group may have different experiences, and perceptions, of communication symbolism, compared to their older counterparts. The presence of participants in the age ranges of 38-47 and 48-57 indicates that the study engages individuals from older age groups as well. It implies that involving individuals with more life experiences, and potentially-different cultural backgrounds, or historical contexts, is decisive to the study. The age distribution among the community members, participating in the study, indeed, reflects a varied representation of different age groups. This diversity in age is crucial for capturing a broader spectrum of experiences, and perspectives, from within the community; since it allows for a comprehensive exploration of how different generations view, and interact with, individuals who speak, or communicate in, different Ghanaian languages (multilingualism) that are associated with criminality. Additionally, the gender distribution of the community members, participating in the study, predominantly, reflects a male representation, with five of the participants being male. This finding suggests that a majority of those willing to share their perspectives on communication symbolism, deviant behavior, and identity, within the community are males. The presence of three female participants is, also, significant; as it signifies the inclusion of female voices in the study. This diversity in gender allows for a well-rounded exploration of how individuals of different genders perceive, and interact with, communication symbolism, and its association with deviant, or criminal, behavior. It is important to recognize that the gender distribution within the study may not, fully, represent the overall gender composition of the community. Nevertheless, it provides valuable insights from both male and female perspectives on the subject matter. Moreover, the data in Table 2 shows that the majority of community members, participating in the study, have informal education; and they are six in number. Two of the community members, on the other hand, have formal education; these represent individuals who have received structured classroom-based education. In effect, these participants, influenced by their formal education, as well as their exposure to academic settings, may bring different perspectives, and insights, into the study, alongside their counterparts. Thus, this diversity in educational background, among the community members, enriches the study's findings by capturing a range of experiences and viewpoints. This demographic diversity, actually, allows for a more comprehensive understanding of how different educational backgrounds may shape perceptions of communication symbolism, crime, and identity, within the community.

In addition to the above, the age distribution of law enforcement officers, participating in the study, reflects an even representation across two age groups. It indicates that the law enforcement officers included are, primarily, in their late 20s to late 30s, or in their late 30s to late 40s. This age distribution, actually, suggests that the study engages officers in the early and middle stages of their careers. Understanding the age distribution of law enforcement officers is, therefore, important for considering the level of experience, and perspective, that they bring to the study. What is more, the gender distribution of law enforcement officers, participating in the study, indicates an equal representation of both female and male officers. This balanced gender representation is noteworthy, as far as the current study is concerned; as it highlights the inclusion of perspectives from both genders within the law enforcement profession. Understanding how both male and female officers perceive, and interact with, communication symbolism, deviant behavior, and identity, is, therefore, essential for a comprehensive exploration of the research topic. Additionally, the finding that the four participants of the law enforcement officers group have a formal educational background suggests that all the participating officers have received structured classroom-based education. This background is, indeed, common in law enforcement; where officers, often, undergo formal training, and education programs, as part of their professional development. The educational homogeneity among the law enforcement officers, thus, underscores their shared educational foundation within the field.

Table 2: Participants’ Demographic Characteristics

Variables

Frequency

Percent (%)

DEVIANT/CRIMINAL INDIVIDUALS

Age

18-27

28-37

38-47

48-57

3 (1 Deviant Individual)

4 (1 Deviant Individual)

30.00

40.00

20.00

10.00

Sex

Female

Male

30.00

70.00

Educational Background

Formal Education

Informal Education

10.00

90.00

COMMUNITY MEMBERS

Age

18-27

28-37

38-47

48-57

25.00

50.00

12.50

Sex

Female

Male

37.50

62.50

Educational Background

Formal Education

Informal Education

25.00

75.00

LAW ENFORCEMENT OFFICERS

Age

18-27

28-37

38-47

48-57

0.00

50.00

0.00

Sex

Female

Male

50.00

Educational Background

Formal Education

Informal Education

100.00

0.00

Total

100

Source: Field Survey, 2024

The data, collected from the participants, is transcribed, and analyzed using thematic analysis. Thematic analysis is used to identify patterns, and themes, in the data that is collected from the semi-structured interviews. The analytical process is, thus, divided into several steps, based on the research questions of the study.

4.1 Findings

The findings, which are presented below, offer a comprehensive exploration of the role of language as a symbolic tool for communicating affiliations with deviance, or criminality, in Ghana. Through diverse participants, including community members, deviant individuals, and/or criminals, and law enforcement officers, there is, therefore, the gain of valuable insights into the complexities of communication symbolism. The key themes, emerging from the study, accentuate the significance of communication choices; the role of language as a symbol of criminality; and the impact on individual identity.

4.1.1 How criminals, or deviant individuals, in Ghana use language as a symbolic tool to communicate their affiliations with deviant, or criminal, subcultures

A key theme, emerging from analyzing collected data in the context of how deviant individuals in Ghana use communication, through multilingualism, as a symbolic tool to communicate their affiliations with deviant subcultures, is the use of language as a symbol of group affiliation. This theme reflects the notion that specific language choices are employed to communicate one's allegiance to criminal subcultures. The deliberate selection of language in poorly-lit alleys and public areas, where these deviant individuals congregate, is, thus, witnessed. In fact, it can be deduced from where it is mentioned by a community member, “You can, often, tell who's in those groups; just by the way they communicate, and the caliber of people that they move along with. It's like a uniform, or identity, that they've created for themselves.” This is a point that is buttressed by another who, also, reveals that some individuals adopt unconventional languages, like speaking multiple languages when in the midst of groups, to avoid being targeted by criminals. Perhaps, the view of a deviant person from the community sums it all up when he said, “We speak certain languages to let others know that we're part of a deviant group. It's a kind of silent code, and this makes people, that we rob, from get scared of us.” There is the recount of a criminal saying, “We’ve got some kind of language that portrays us. One distinctive characteristic is the ability to speak a lot of languages (multilingualism). If you can speak a lot of languages, we see you as a potential aid in the abetment of crime.” There is, as well, the view of a police officer that they, as enforcement agencies, have come to understand some of the secret languages that are used by these deviant individuals, which help them in recognizing such persons to identify potential issues. Participants, actually, explain that it is not just about the language itself; but it is, also, about the communication styles, and actions, carrying a deeper meaning. These communication tools are, often, unique to the deviant subculture, enabling insiders to, easily, identify one another. By and large, these communication tools, styles, and actions, of the criminal world are noted to serve as prominent platforms for personal expression, and they involve visuals and auditory cues. Many deviant individuals are, in actual fact, seen to use language codes, by way of expressing their opinions and intentions.

The consensus among participants, including community members, deviant individuals, criminals, police officers and prison officers, who observe these affiliations, therefore, is that language serves as a symbol, and plays a significant role in conveying group membership; much in line with the emergence of the study’s third theme – communication (multilingualism) as a form of identity. In fact, participants across these different categories are seen to, consistently, highlight that multilingualism serves as a powerful symbol of group affiliation within deviant, or criminal, subcultures in Ghana, even as it enables these individuals in discussion to project a specific image, and to exude confidence. To an extent, this coincides with the finding by Feldmeyer et al. (2016); where linguistic heterogeneity relates with violence positively.

4.1.2. How the process of labeling and stigmatization, related to multilingualism and criminality, affect individuals’/criminals' experiences, and behaviors, in Ghana; particularly, in their interactions with law enforcement, peers, and the broader community

One of the main themes, that emerges from the study, is labeling, and stigmatization, of individuals within deviant, or criminal, subcultures in Ghana; and it reveals the intricate dynamics surrounding communication symbolism, as well as its impact on individual criminals. Insights from participants representing various backgrounds, including deviant members, criminals, and community members, thus, shed light on the pervasive nature of this phenomenon. Within these subcultures, communication choices are, closely, observed, and judged, by peers, with deviations from accepted norms leading to harsh labeling and stigmatization. Here, deviant members recount experiences of being ridiculed, and ostracized, by their peers; for speaking a language that is seen by members of the group as ‘known by the majority’, and, therefore, not a ‘hard core’ language. Some say, “When you communicate in languages like English and Twi, your deviant guys laugh at you, and do not bond well with you, because you are seen as not on top of issues in the game of language criminality. They label you as an outsider, and they pull your legs.” The account of other criminal members, thus, “Once you're labeled as a troublemaker or a criminal, it sticks with you. It's hard to shake off that image, even if you've changed,” highlights the enduring nature of negative labels, once they are attached; making it challenging to alter public perceptions, even after personal transformation. Community members are, also, observed to echo these sentiments, emphasizing how language acts as a potent signal that influences perceptions, and triggers wariness, among neighbours. This scrutiny of communication choices underscores the significance of symbolic representation within these subcultures; where language, in this vein, serves as a marker of belonging, reputation, and social standing, with profound implications for individual identity and community dynamics.

Another emerging theme concentrates on stigmatization by law enforcement, which sheds light on the impact of communication symbolism on interactions between criminals and security personnel (police, and prison, officers). Insights from the law enforcement officers in discussion, reformation officers, and criminals, reveal a worrying pattern of biased treatment; based on language and identity patterns. Police officers, actually, admit to making assumptions, and becoming more cautious or suspicious, when encountering individuals who communicate in certain ways that are different from the Ghanaian way of speaking, reflecting how communication symbolism influences their approach to policing. Here is, actually, what one officer says, “The police ensure that they get to know the languages that the person speaks, so that they can get the right statement from the individual. The law indicates that they should find a person who speaks the same language as the suspect; to interpret his/her statement. Multilingualism can be an advantage for a criminal. Say, your house help from the North can harm you, or conspire with others to steal from you, because you, the Akan, don’t understand her language. Let me tell you my own experience; about my ex-boyfriend from the Upper East who speaks Frafra which I don’t understand. Eventually, I got to know that he was dating someone from his home town. Meanwhile he, always, talked with this lady in my presence, and claimed she was his sister. Through his multilingual advantage, he was able to deceive me, and, subsequently, gave me emotional, and psychological, trauma.”

Conversely, criminals express experiencing differential treatment from law enforcement when speaking unusual language that is associated with criminality, including increased scrutiny, stop-and-search practices, and heightened suspicion. One of such expressions goes like, “If you're communicating in different, or unusual, languages that are associated with criminality, the police treat you differently. They're more likely to stop, and search, you, question you, or, even, arrest you, based on your language variation prowess.” A police officer, meanwhile, recounts that, “Some suspects connive with one another, and commit a crime in the presence of an illiterate. They [suspects] speak ‘pidgin’ because they know the illiterate will not understand what they’re saying. So, the language can be a tool for them [suspects] to commit the crime.” He, as well, states, empathically, that, “This, usually, happens among the Zongo communities. These criminals speak Hausa, anytime they want to spark conflict, because not many people speak Hausa. A person who speaks different languages can, easily, make friends, and win trust. So, if he goes to a new environment as a criminal, he can use the language to get more information from the residents, and capitalize on it to commit crime.” Another police officer, likewise, gives an interesting view of the matter. He asserts that, “If you have dominance over many languages, you can, easily, make friends wherever you find yourself. So, when one has mastery of many uncommon languages, he can, easily, connive with bad people, and commit crime. These multilingual criminals, easily, win the trust of people.” He, still, explains that, “Before criminals, or deviants, set out to commit bad deeds or any criminal act, they do community profiling to know the calibre of people who reside in that community, the language they speak, and their associations or networking. If robbers get to know that you speak their language, the tendency of you being a target is low, and vice versa.”

The prison officers, also, share some interesting perspectives on the matter; that, “The language, itself, is not the crime, but it’s a tool that enhances crime, and it is common in the issues of aiding and abetment. People who speak the same language can connive with one another, and do something illegal or untoward.” One prison officer, nevertheless, is observed to have a divergent view; that, “I don’t see language as a tool in aiding crime. Language is language, and crime is crime; so, I don’t associate the languages a person speaks to crime.” Another officer is of the view that, “If a person speaks many languages, he can use it as a means to commit crime. Assuming we’re two standing there, and you know that I have money on me, and your close friend, who speaks a common language with you, comes, you can use your language prowess to tell him about my money, and you can connive with him to steal it. So, the person can capitalize on the language. Even in organized crime, armed robbers prefer those who speak a language that is different from what their victim speaks; so that, in the course of the operation, the victim will not understand what they are saying. But if they realize that the victim understands their language, that distorts their plans.” This theme, thus, underscores the presence of systemic biases within law enforcement, leading to unfair treatment of criminals, and exacerbating tensions between criminal subcultures and security personnel (police, and prison, officers).

Another emerging theme relates to the broader community’s stigmatization of communication styles which are tagged with criminal behaviors; highlighting the significant role that is played by societal perceptions, and behaviors, in shaping attitudes towards individuals, based on their communication choices. Participants describe how community members are quick to judge, and how they may engage in certain actions, such as avoidance, reporting to authorities, or spreading rumors, when encountering individuals who walk in groups, and speak common, but unpopular, language that is associated with criminality. Such behavior, while unfair, contributes to social exclusion, and discrimination, that is experienced by those affiliated with deviant, or criminal, subcultures. Deviant members, in actual fact, emphasize experiencing discrimination, and feeling marked, solely, based on their language; as one deviant member recounts that, “We've experienced a lot of discrimination. People think we're up to no good, just because of how we speak different languages, walk in groups, and behave. It's like we're marked.” This, thus, reflects the profound impact of societal stigmatization on individual lives. Indeed, this theme underscores the pervasive influence of language symbolism on social interactions, and the need for greater awareness, and empathy, within communities to combat unjustified prejudices.

The last theme, which is revealed under the subsection, pertains to the coping mechanisms that are adopted, individually, by members of the discussed subculture, who find themselves facing the challenges that are associated with criminal behaviors. The exploration, essentially, leads to some participants sharing insights into the resilience, and self-identity, strategies that are adopted by these deviant individuals. Here, criminals emphasize the necessity of growing a ‘thick skin’ to withstand judgment and criticism; indicating a resilience-building approach to cope with societal perceptions. One deviant individual, thus, mentions, “You have to grow thick skin. You know people are going to judge you; so, you just learn to block it out.” Community members, as indicated, observe that some individuals adopt a dual identity, altering their communication choices when not, actively, engaged in criminal activities, as a means of managing their public image. Another, accordingly, says, “Some of them try to change how they communicate when they're not 'on’.” So, this theme underscores the adaptive responses of individuals who face stigmatization which is based on language, or communication, choices; reflecting a blend of resilience, self-awareness, and social adaptation, in navigating the challenges of societal judgment.

The study unveils the intricate dynamics of how individuals, that are involved in criminal activities within Ghana, leverage communication as a symbolic tool to signal affiliations with deviant, or criminal, subcultures. Here, participants from diverse backgrounds, including community members, deviants, criminals, police officers, and prison officers, provide insights into the significance of communication choices (like the speaking of multiple languages as Twi, Ewe, Ga, Fafra, Sissali, Gonja, Kokomba, among others), elements, and their impact on individual identity. Specifically, language emerges as a potent means of communication; establishing a distinct oral identity, which is akin to a radio device, that communicates allegiance with words. Put in another way, language underscores its role as an oral marker of group membership; facilitating recognition, and understanding, among insiders and outsiders. It is, as a matter of fact, unveiled that community members, sometimes, adopt certain communication choices, to appear affiliated with deviant, or criminal, groups, for safety; which is indicative of the power of language in shaping behavior, and social interactions. The importance of this verbal communication, also, emerges from exploring what such a communication form symbolizes to these communities. Given that multilingualism, thus, the speaking of many languages, connotes symbols as self-expression, and confidence, in the social milieu, and that such symbols are unique to deviant subcultures, law enforcement officers, also, recognize the significance of understanding these symbols to identify potential issues, underscoring the importance of recognizing oral cues for safety. Although, arguments, put out by other studies, corroborate that individuals, or criminals, can transform their self-perception, and project a particular image, through multilingualism and/or specific communication elements (contributing to the fear they receive from others), it is, however, crucial to note that language identity (according to current findings) is not, always, indicative of criminal behavior, emphasizing the multifaceted nature of communication devices.

The issue of labeling, and stigmatization, is, highly, related to communication symbolism, which is found to affect criminals' experiences, and behaviors, in their interactions with law enforcement, peers, and the broader community. This outcome aligns with the finding by Nwalozie (2015); which identified language choices, associated with moral judgments, as ‘morally bad.’ Some participants, thus, emphasize the significant role of peers in perpetuating labeling and stigmatization, related to language symbolism, within deviant, or criminal, subcultures. Deviant individuals, who digress from established communication norms, actually, face ridicule, labeling, and exclusion, from among one another. Law enforcement personnel, indubitably, are not unaware of the effects of communication symbolism, as the findings reveal. Participants, in this regard, share experiences, demonstrating how individuals' communication, and/or language, choices lead to stigmatization, and biased treatment, by the police. At the community level, stigmatization, related to communication symbolism, is, significantly, perpetuated as well; leading to social exclusion, and marginalization. Quick judgments, based on language similarities that are related to deviant behaviors, in fact, result in individuals being avoided, reported to the police, or subjected to rumors and discrimination. This, therefore, underscores not just the role of language as a form of social control to maintain group identity; but it, as well, stresses the need for increased awareness, and training, within law enforcement, to prevent unjust profiling, and targeting, based on attire. Meanwhile, the study reveals that criminals within these subcultures, often, develop coping mechanisms to deal with the challenges that are posed by stigmatization and labeling. These coping strategies include growing a ‘thick skin’ to deflect the judgment from, and negative perceptions of, others; as well as adopting a dual identity, thus, where individuals change their language choices outside of their criminal affiliations. This, actually, highlights the resilience, and adaptability, of individuals; which can be essential for their psychological well-being and social interactions.

Viewed through the lens of symbolic interactionism theory, language goes beyond mere practicality; it serves as a powerful conduit through which individuals express intricate facets of their identity, beliefs and affiliations. By virtue of this framework, deviant individuals, members of communities, and law enforcement officers, alike, interpret the cultural, and social, symbols that are inherent in multilingualism, understanding them as a form of communication code. For each group, these symbols, really, hold distinct significance; they may connote belonging, offer protection, or serve as potential indicators for legal action. This theoretical perspective, thus, guides the exploration of how these symbolic meanings, profoundly, influence individuals' self-perceptions, and interactions with various social groups, including peers, community members, and law enforcement. All the emerging themes are explained, and are aligned with central ideas that are embedded in the theory of symbolic interactionism; ranging from how language choices reflect individuals' self-concepts, and influence their interactions with others, to how these symbols become part of a shared cultural language, how language facilitates social recognition, and communication, within the subculture to how it becomes a means of self-representation, and empowerment, for individuals within these subcultures, as well as how individuals within Ghanaian subcultures engage in symbolic interactions that contribute to the construction, and reinforcement, of social labels. The overarching nuance of employing this theory is, indeed, that it, ultimately, helps to uncover the social dynamics at play, where labeling and stigmatization, based on multilingualism, can lead to exclusion, discrimination, and, even, hostility; while enhancing our understanding of the interplay among culture, identity, and language, in Ghana. The study, then, advocates for a nuanced understanding of language symbolism, and its implications for individual behavior and societal perceptions. After all, recognizing language as a potent vehicle for identity construction, and social communication, can inform strategies to address stigmatization, promote social cohesion, and ensure fair treatment for all individuals.

The study, in a nutshell, offers insights into the interplay among multilingualism, identity, and social dynamics, within deviant, and criminal, subcultures in Ghana within West Africa. Here, exploring multilingualism roles as a symbolic tool sheds light on how individuals navigate stigmatization, social interactions, and law enforcement scrutiny, based on language. Acknowledging the cultural, social, and psychological, dimensions of multilingualism is, therefore, crucial for addressing societal biases, and fostering inclusive communities.

Socially, communication symbolism serves as a powerful symbol of group affiliation, enabling individuals to convey silent codes, and identities, through their language. Communication elements and symbols, furthermore, enrich this verbal language, allowing people to express themselves, and experience transformation and empowerment. Communication symbolism, also, plays a significant role in shaping the broader community’s perception. The labeling, and stigmatization, of individuals in these subcultures can, actually, lead to negative consequences. Here, law enforcement officers may target individuals; based on their communication choices, through multilingualism, leading to increased scrutiny, harassment, and, even, violence. The social stigma, associated with certain languages, can, thus, result in a lack of support from the broader community; isolating individuals, and making it more difficult for them to reintegrate into mainstream society.

Ghana, indeed, boasts of a rich cultural heritage which is held in high regard. In the Ghanaian cultural context, people want to be accepted in the community within which they find themselves; so, they, mostly, speak the language which fits that society’s culture, giving them an identity. Thus, if people want to create a cultural impression, or want to speak to suit their convictions of being recognized in the community, and, thus, to satisfy a cultural appropriation, they tend to speak in a certain way that is acknowledged by the community. After all, most of the time, certain language choices depict the era in which people are connected with one another, making such people behave in a certain way. The inauguration of a project in a pure Akan community, or an illiterate society, will, for instance, determine the language that one should speak; to convey meaning and acceptance. Likewise, when a foreigner comes to Ghana, his, or her, language is, mostly, influenced by what goes on here. It is noteworthy, however, that religion is one major influencing factor in the Ghanaian society; so, certain communication devices are, heavily, frowned upon by some churches, and others. Still, in the Ghanaian community, in terms of durbar, funerals, naming ceremony, and other cultural events, the aligned communication choices convey special meanings that can be positive.

Also, the findings of this study hold significant implications for policymakers, where they have to formulate policies that are, specifically, tailored toward crime prevention. Thus, at times, when people speak in a certain manner, or use certain language accents, it has security, and crime, insinuations that draws attention on that particular individual; if that language is contrary to the public norm of speaking. It means that concerned law enforcement, and social welfare, officers must understand the significance of communication symbolism in criminal activities; in order to inform more effective strategies that will go a long way to help prevent criminality in our societies. For instance, law enforcement agencies may benefit from training programs that enhance their understanding of multilingualism, and its implications, to identify potential criminal behavior. As a matter of fact, these societal attitudes toward multilingualism, and crime symbolism, may be influenced by the findings of this study, which will foster greater awareness, and dialogue, around the complexities of language choices within different social contexts. Efforts to challenge stereotypes and stigmatization, associated with specific communication styles or symbols, can, thus, promote inclusivity, and reduce discrimination, within Ghanaian society.

Succinctly, communication styles wield significant implications for individuals, as far as language is concerned. These individuals, often, possess the ability to influence public perception through their multilingual prowess; setting trends for specific demographic groups that are defined by age, or social orientation. It is noteworthy, however, that certain languages, associated with deviant behavior, may, occasionally, bear resemblance to communication with profound cultural significance; blurring the lines of interpretation, and creating confusion, regarding their true meaning and intent.

The recommendation to establish a collaborative task force, comprising law enforcement, community leaders, and cultural, and language, experts, is a proactive approach to addressing the complexities of communication symbolism within deviant, and criminal, subcultures in Ghana. Such a task force would provide a platform for stakeholders to develop comprehensive guidelines, and training programs.

Despite its insights, the study has limitations, including its cross-sectional design, and specificity to the Ghanaian context. Future research should, therefore, consider longitudinal studies, and comparisons across regions, to better understand the evolution, as well as cultural, and regional, variations, of communication symbolism, and/or multilingualism, and stigmatization, within criminal subcultures. This study, however, lays the groundwork for exploring communication symbolism, and stigmatization, in different contexts, contributing to a deeper understanding of these dynamics.

Competing Interests

The authors declare no competing interests.

Author Contribution

ROM wrote the main manuscript and PK and GSM assisted in preparation of the tables and figures. All authors reviewed the manuscript.

Acknowledgement

The authors are thankful to all participants, including individuals from various institutions, who made themselves available for several interviews and discussions. The authors are also grateful to Kofi Nunoo of the Centre for Languages and Liberal Studies, Takoradi Technical University, Takoradi and Winfred Nii Attoh of the Economics Department, University of Ghana for proofreading the manuscript.

Data availability

The datasets generated during and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request

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Competing interest reported. The authors declare no competing interests.

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The Nexus between Multilingualism and Criminality in Ghana, West Africa: A Qualitative Analysis through the Lens of Symbolic Interactionism Theory

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Abstract

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1. Introduction

1.1 Scope of the Study

2. Theoretical Overview: Symbolic Interactionism Theory

3. Methodology

4. Data Presentation and Analysis

4.1 Findings

5. Discussions and Conclusion

6. Implications of Communication Symbolism

7. Recommendation(s), Limitation(s), and Suggestion(s) for Further Research

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Competing Interests

Author Contribution

Acknowledgement

Data availability

References

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