Ethnic Group Differences in Economic Stress and Out-Group Prosocial Behaviors During the Covid-19 Pandemic: A Cultural Process Model

doi:10.21203/rs.3.rs-4947157/v1

The goal of the current study was to examine intervening culture and family related mechanisms in the links between pandemic-related economic stress and young adults’ ethnic out-group prosocial behaviors. Participants were 467 young adults (mean age = 22.58, range = 19-27 years old) from across the U.S. (50.1% female; 55.7% identified White as their racial group, 20.3% Black/African American, 12.2% Asian American, 8.0% identified as other, including Latino/a participants who did not identify as White). Participants completed online measures of their experiences with economic stress during the COVID-19 pandemic, their ethnic identity, identification with filial piety as a culture value, and their own tendencies to engage in six forms of out-group prosocial behaviors. The results demonstrated indirect links between economic stress and multiple forms of out-group prosocial behaviors via ethnic identity and filial piety as well as direct links between economic stress and ethnic identity and out-group prosocial behaviors. Interestingly, there were ethnic group differences that emerged in the direct paths such that economic stress was a particularly strong predictor of prosocial behaviors for ethnic majority participants, and ethnic identity was stronger for ethnic minority participants. Discussion will explore ethnic differences in these associations as well as the role of cultural and family values as important mechanisms in the links between pandemic-related economic stress and out-group prosocial behaviors.

Economic Stress

Ethnic Identity

Filial Piety

Out-Group Prosocial Behaviors

The COVID-19 pandemic impacted families in many ways, including the loss of close loved ones and increased layoffs and demotions that resulted in trauma, financial instability, and economic stress (Katikireddi et al., 2021). Importantly, there were also exaggerated levels of hostility and discrimination towards persons from ethnic/racial minoritized heritage in the U.S., resulting in psychological and behavioral consequences (FBI, 2020). Given prior evidence that stress can undermine prosocial behaviors (i.e., actions of kindness and generosity that benefit others; Davis & Carlo, 2019), it is reasonable to assume that pandemic-related economic stress could be negatively associated with prosocial behaviors toward cultural heritage out-group members.

Prosocial behaviors are integral to harmonious and cooperative intergroup relationships and represent healthy social development (see Carlo, 2014; Davis et al., 2021). There are six different types of prosocial behaviors that are relatively representative of youth helping behaviors (Carlo, 2014): emotional, dire, compliant, anonymous, public, and altruistic. Emotional prosocial behaviors are helping others who are upset, such as comforting. Dire prosocial behaviors refer to helping in high intensity situations. Compliant prosocial behaviors are responding in a helpful way to requests for help. Public prosocial behaviors are helping behaviors done with an audience. Anonymous prosocial behaviors are helping when others are unaware, such as donating time or resources. Finally, altruistic prosocial behaviors include helping with little to no expected benefit to the self (Carlo, 2014).

Of particular interest to understanding prosocial behaviors directed towards cultural heritage out-group members are public and altruistic prosocial behaviors. Because public helping is conducted with the knowledge that others are watching, it is thought to be relatively more self-serving and instrumental (Carlo et al., 2003). Indeed, there is evidence that public prosocial behaviors are positively linked to approval-oriented prosocial moral reasoning—an egoistically-motivated form of reasoning (see Carlo, 2014). In contrast, altruistic prosocial behaviors are often costly to one’s self and considered relatively selfless because there is little or no expected self-reward. Indeed, altruistic helping has been linked to principled and empathic prosocial moral reasoning and to altruistic resource allocations in behavioral task measures (e.g., Benenson et al., 2007). Other research has yielded evidence that altruistic, public, emotional, dire, compliant, and anonymous forms of helping are related but distinct factors (see Carlo, 2014).

Despite the multitude of research on distinct forms of prosocial behaviors, what has yet to be examined thoroughly in the literature is how the person needing help (target) might influence whether or not people engage in prosocial behaviors across situations. It may be that experiencing pandemic-related economic stress predicts helping racial out-group members differently than racial in-group members, in part because of the desire to draw close to similar others during times of uncertainty and stress (Choi & Hogg, 2020). The study of prosocial behaviors during a pandemic, therefore, can inform our understanding of intergroup behaviors under adverse circumstances. The primary purpose of the present study was to examine the links between pandemic-related economic stress and out-group prosocial behaviors and to determine whether those links could be accounted for by individual differences in ethnic identity and filial piety.

Culturally-Grounded Theoretical Frameworks

Based on prior conceptual and empirical work, two culturally integrative models of prosocial development and social inequities were adopted for the present study (Carlo & de Guzman, 2009; Davis et al., 2021). These models identify different forms of stress as influences on youth prosocial behaviors. Moreover, the models suggest that culture-group characteristics, such as ethnic identity and traditional cultural values, can intervene in the links between economic stress and multiple forms of prosocial behaviors (Davis et al., 2021). Although these models were developed with Latino/ a youth, they can apply across ethnic and cultural groups (Davis et al., 2021). Additionally, stress and coping theorists suggest that pervasive stress can compromise coping resources over time and contribute to maladjustment (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Alternatively, the altruism-born-of-suffering hypothesis (Staub & Vollhardt, 2008), for example, asserts that when persons experience stress, they may become increasingly sensitive to the needs of others and may be more inclined to engage in helpful behaviors because of their motivation for reducing others’ suffering. In other words, it might be that stress fosters an understanding of the experiences of others, which could contribute to selfless forms of helping.

Links Between Economic Stress and Prosocial Behaviors

Economic stress is a form of stress that impacts the family system as well as intrapersonal cognitive processes, such as self-regulation and coping strategies, and can lead to deleterious consequences for young adults (Conger et al., 1992; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Understanding economic stress during young adulthood might be particularly important because of the nature of this developmental period. Young adults are navigating increasingly complicated responsibilities and relationships across multiple domains (e.g., career, social relationships, financial independence; Arnett, 2020). Therefore, understanding the role of pandemic-related stress on youth positive social development during this developmental period is important.

While research on economic stress and prosocial behaviors is limited, few relevant studies exist. There is some evidence that economic stress is negatively associated with prosocial behaviors globally as well as dire, emotional, and compliant prosocial behaviors (Carlo et al., 2011; Davis & Carlo, 2019). However, one recent study found that economic stress was positively associated with prosocial behaviors toward friends for young adults who were also high in community self-efficacy, but the link was negative for young adults who were low in community self-efficacy (Davis et al., 2022). Another study found that economic stress was positively related to selflessly-motivated prosocial behaviors but negatively related to selfishly-motivated prosocial behaviors (Davis et al., 2017). The present study extends this literature by examining economic stress experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic while also examining prosocial behaviors directed specifically toward cultural heritage out-group members. In addition, we investigated the possible intervening roles of two culture-group-related traits, ethnic identity and filial piety, in the relations between economic stress and multiple forms of out-group prosocial behaviors.

Links Between Economic Stress and Ethnic Identity

Social identity theory suggests that group membership drives one’s self concept because of the meaning attached to social groups (Tajfel & Turner, 2004). One form of social identity that is quite salient to U.S. ethnic/racial minoritized persons is ethnic identity. Ethnic identity refers to integrating one’s ethnic heritage into one's self-concept through the processes of exploration, commitment, and attachment (Phinney & Ong, 2007). Stressful experiences might promote ethnic identity because of the desire to draw close to one’s social group during contentious times as a coping strategy (see Yip et al., 2008). Therefore, it may be that ethnic identity is salient for marginalized youth, and frequent experiences of stress could strengthen one’s ethnic identity.

Although there is evidence that ethnic identity can be a moderator in stress research (e.g., Umaña-Taylor et al., 2011), there is also substantive evidence that ethnic identity is directly related to stress. For example, there is evidence that stress experiences, including discrimination, promote ethnic identity and cultural values among Latino/a youth (Brittian et al., 2013; Meca et al., 2020). How pandemic-related economic stress might predict ethnic identity across diverse ethnic groups, including White, European American youth, is not clear.

Interrelations Between Ethnic Identity and Filial Piety

An important value found in many cultures, particularly emphasized in collectivistic societies, is filial piety (Fuligni et al., 1999). Filial piety is defined as close ties with one’s family that manifest in care-giving behaviors, loyalty to family, and respect and honor associated with the family unit (Yeh & Bedford, 2003). While filial piety has traditionally been studied in Asian and Latino/a populations, there is also research examining variation in this construct across diverse populations in the United States, including White, European heritage populations (Fuligni et al., 1999). Ethnic identity reflects internalized feelings about one’s own ethnic group, so young adults who feel positive about and connected to their ethnic group might also strongly treat family relationships as paramount (Kiang & Fuligni, 2009).

There is substantive supportive longitudinal and cross-sectional evidence that ethnic identity is positively associated with cultural values, including familism (e.g., Crockett et al., 2022; Knight et al., 2016; Streit et al., 2020). For example, a large study of U.S. Latino/a, Asian American, and European American adolescents found that ethnic identity was strongly associated with a higher endorsement of family obligation and assistance (Kiang & Fuligni, 2009). Consistent with these findings, we expect that ethnic identity will positively predict filial piety, as filial piety is a central element of familism, and both reflect communal orientations (Schwartz et al., 2010).

Links Between Filial Piety and Prosocial Behaviors

Cultural socialization and prosocial development theories highlight the important role of other-oriented values and values that prioritize the family as predictors of higher levels of prosocial behaviors (Carlo & Conejo, 2019). Scholars have theorized that cultural values that center the family as a top priority, including filial piety, might promote perspective-taking and empathic responding in youth because these values require youth to think about broader social goals and the needs of family members over the self (Calderón-Tena et al., 2011). Additionally, the family context is a primary source of socialization for prosocial behaviors, as family members provide initial opportunities to practice prosocial behaviors while also creating an environment that either fosters internalization of values or does not, ultimately shaping young adults’ prosocial tendencies (Eisenberg, 2004; Hastings et al., 2007).

It might be that filial piety, which is tied to valuing the needs of others, is most likely positively related to care-based, other-oriented forms of prosocial behaviors such as emotional, dire, and compliant prosocial behaviors. Furthermore, filial piety could facilitate public prosocial behaviors that entail gaining the approval of family members, which would be deemed socially appropriate. However, prosocial behaviors that require pre-planning (anonymous) or a cost to the self (altruistic) are moral principled- or empathic/sympathy-based; thus, filial piety might be either non-significantly or negatively related to those specific forms of prosocial behaviors.

There is a substantive body of research differentially linking familism values to specific forms of prosocial behaviors (e.g., Davis et al., 2021; Knight et al., 2018). For example, Knight et al. (2016) showed that familism was longitudinally, positively linked to compliant, dire, emotional, anonymous, and public, but negatively linked to altruistic, prosocial behaviors (see also Armenta et al., 2010). There is also research specifically linking filial piety (rather than familism) and prosocial behaviors, although this research is more limited in scope (Zhu et al., 2023). A study of Chinese and Indonesian young adults and adults found that filial piety was positively associated with prosocial behaviors (Zhen & Guo, 2021). Additionally, among Chinese adolescents, filial piety predicted volunteering through empathy (Yuan et al., 2023). While there is some evidence that filial piety might predict prosocial behaviors, more research is needed to understand how filial piety might predict specific forms of prosocial behaviors, especially across multiple ethnic groups in the United States.

Study Goals and Hypotheses

The current study aimed to assess the serial intervening roles of ethnic identity and filial piety in the links between economic stress during the COVID-19 pandemic and out-group prosocial behaviors. We hypothesized that pandemic-related economic stress would positively predict ethnic identity, which would positively predict filial piety. Filial piety, in turn, would positively predict out-group emotional, dire, anonymous, public, and compliant prosocial behaviors but might negatively predict altruistic prosocial behaviors. We also hypothesized that pandemic-related economic stress would directly negatively predict multiple forms of out-group prosocial behaviors but be positively linked to public prosocial behaviors because gaining the approval of family members is deemed acceptable.

We also examined whether the proposed model might differ as a function of ethnic majority/minority group status due to the potential differences in the centrality of ethnic identity and filial piety for ethnic majority and ethnic minority participants. Because ethnic identity is often more salient and protective for ethnic minority youth than the majority European American youth (Phinney et al., 1994), this variable might more strongly predict out-group prosocial behavior for ethnic minority young adults. Considering the role of ethnic identity and filial piety as explanatory variables in the links between stress and prosocial behaviors among ethnic majority youth has not been examined in the literature, these findings will contribute to a more nuanced understanding of how these cultural processes operate for diverse youth.

Participants and Procedures

The present sample was 467 young adults (mean age = 22.58, range = 19–27 years old) from across the U.S. (50.1% female; 55.7% identified as racially White, 20.3% Black/African American, 12.2% Asian American, 8.0% identified as other, including Latino/a participants who did not identify as White).

The study was conducted in accordance with the American Psychological Association and the Society for Research on Adolescence guidelines for the ethical treatment of human participants and was approved by the institutional review board at the University of New Mexico. Data was collected online using Bovitz Services (a participant recruitment and survey research company) during the Fall 2020 semester. Email requests were sent to a national email database to potential participants, who then had the opportunity to assent and complete the measures using an online survey. Participants were informed that the goal of the survey was to examine the role of the COVID-19 pandemic in young adults’ social cognitions, emotions, and behaviors. All participants completed a consent form before participating in the study. Data is available upon request at the discretion of the authors.

Measures

Economic stress. Participants completed measures of their economic stress during the pandemic (Cervantes et al., 1991) using a modified version of the Hispanic Stress Inventory. The economic stress subscale consists of 12 items (α = .87). Participants responded to the prompt “Think about the past three months, since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic when answering each question. How true is each of the following statements?” They then responded to each statement on a scale from 1 = not at all to 5 = extremely. Sample items include “My income is insufficient to support my family or myself” and “Due to money problems, I had to work away from my family.”

Ethnic identity. Participants completed 12 items (α = .91) from the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure-Revised (Phinney, 2010). Participants responded to the prompt, “Use the numbers below to indicate how much you agree or disagree with each statement.” Each item was rated on a scale from 1 = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree. Sample items include, “I have a clear sense of my ethnic/racial background and what it means for me” and “I have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic/racial group.”

Filial piety. Participants also completed a measure of their filial piety values (Fuligni et al., 1999). The scale consists of 7 items (α = .89) that tap into filial piety as a cultural value. Participants responded to each item on a scale from 1 = not important at all to 5 = very important. Sample items include “Treat your parents with great respect” and “Make sacrifices for your family.”

Prosocial behaviors. Participants completed a modified version of the Prosocial Tendencies Measure (PTM; Carlo & Randall, 2002). The measure was modified to reflect prosocial behaviors toward racial/ethnic out-group members. The instructions were, “IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CURRENT COVID-19 PANDEMIC, please indicate HOW MUCH EACH STATEMENT LIKELY DESCRIBES YOU by using the scale below.” Participants rated each item on a scale from 1 = does not describe me at all to 5 = describes me greatly. This measure consists of six subscales, which were all used in this study. The emotional prosocial behaviors subscale includes 4 items (α = .87). A sample item is, “I tend to help people from other ethnic/racial groups when they are very upset.” The dire prosocial behaviors subscale includes 3 items (α = .89). A sample item is, “I tend to help people from other ethnic/racial groups when they are in a real crisis or need.” The compliant prosocial behaviors subscale includes 2 items (α = .81). A sample item is, “I tend to help people from other ethnic/racial groups when they ask me to help them.” The anonymous prosocial behaviors subscale includes 4 items (α = .89). A sample item is, “I tend to help people from other ethnic/racial groups when they do not know who helped them.” The public prosocial behaviors subscale includes 3 items (α = .90). A sample item is, “I tend to help people from other ethnic/racial groups when other people are around.” The altruistic prosocial behaviors subscale includes 4 items (α = .87). A sample item is, “I tend to help people from other ethnic/racial groups when it makes me look good” (reverse-scored).

Analytic Plan

Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations were initially examined in SPSS, Version 28, to report basic statistics and the relations among all study variables (see Table 1). We examined the main hypothesized model in MPlus using path analysis (Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2017). We accounted for missing data using maximum likelihood estimation. The model (see Fig. 1) included economic stress as the exogenous variable set to predict ethnic identity, filial piety, and six forms of prosocial behaviors. Ethnic identity was set to predict filial piety and prosocial behaviors, and filial piety was set to predict prosocial behaviors. Gender was included as a statistical control, and multigroup analyses were conducted in order to examine whether the model was consistent based on ethnic group membership (European American versus ethnic minority participants).

Model fit is considered good in path analysis if the Comparative Fit Index (CFI) is .95 or greater (fit is adequate at .90 or greater), the Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA) is less than or equal to .06 (values of .08 or less indicate adequate fit), and the Standardized Root Mean Square Residual (SRMR) is less than .06 (values of .08 or less indicate adequate fit; Hu & Bentler, 1999). The dataset generated during and analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations were examined in SPSS (see Table 1 for all correlations).

Fit for the hypothesized main model was good (χ² = 1.70, df = 4, p = .79; CFI = 1.00; RMSEA = .08; SRMR = .01). Multigroup analyses were then conducted in order to examine any differences in the model across Ethnic Majority Status versus Ethnic Minority Status participants. A chi-square difference test was conducted to examine significant changes in the chi-square statistic for the constrained model (Muthén & Muthén, 2010). The results (see Fig. 1) demonstrated that the constrained [χ ² (25) = 41.31, p = .02, CFI = .99, RMSEA = .06, SRMR = .06] model and the unconstrained model [χ ² (4) = 8.96, p = .06,, CFI = 1.00, RMSEA = .08, SRMR = .02] were significantly different [Δ χ ² (21) = 32.35, p = .05].

Specific path differences were then conducted in order to isolate which paths were significantly different. The path from economic stress to out-group emotional prosocial behaviors [Δ χ ² (1) = 3.76, p = .05] differed between groups such that this path was positive and significant for Ethnic Majority Status participants but was not significant for Ethnic Minority Status participants. The path from economic stress to compliant prosocial behaviors [Δ χ ² (1) = 7.19, p = .01] was significantly different across groups such that this path was positive and significant for Ethnic Majority Status participants but was not significant for Ethnic Minority Status participants. The path from ethnic identity to compliant prosocial behaviors [Δ χ ² (1) = 5.42, p = .02] was significantly different, such that this path was positive and significant for Ethnic Minority Status participants but was not significant for Ethnic Majority Status participants. The path from economic stress to anonymous prosocial behaviors [Δ χ ² (1) = 3.87, p = .05] was significantly different, such that this path was positive and significant for Ethnic Majority Status participants but was not significant for Ethnic Minority Status participants.

Across both groups, economic stress was positively associated with ethnic identity for both groups, ethnic identity was positively associated with filial piety for both groups, and filial piety was positively associated with out-group emotional, dire, compliant, and anonymous prosocial behaviors for both groups. Economic stress was also positively associated with out-group public prosocial behaviors and negatively associated with out-group altruistic prosocial behaviors for both groups. Ethnic identity was also positively associated with out-group dire and emotional and negatively associated with out-group altruistic prosocial behaviors for both groups.

Indirect effects using maximum likelihood estimation (see Muthén & Muthén, 2010) were also examined using MPlus. The results demonstrated that economic stress indirectly predicted emotional prosocial behaviors via ethnic identity and filial piety (β = .02; SE = .01; p = .01); economic stress indirectly predicted dire prosocial behaviors via ethnic identity and filial piety (β = .01; SE = .002; p = .01); and economic stress indirectly predicted anonymous prosocial behaviors via ethnic identity and filial piety (β = .02; SE = .01; p = .02). These indirect effects were consistent across both groups.

These results support a cultural mechanism process model such that economic stress may promote ethnic identity, which in turn supports filial piety and, ultimately, multiple forms of out-group prosocial behaviors. Stress is indirectly associated with an orientation toward helping out-group members via young adults’ connection to their own cultural group and family. These findings suggest that for both ethnic minority and ethnic majority participants, pandemic-related economic stress may promote connection with one’s ethnic group and family, which ultimately relates to increases in specific forms of prosocial behaviors.

The findings also yielded notable differences across ethnic groups. Economic stress was positively associated with emotional, compliant, and anonymous prosocial behaviors for Ethnic Majority Status participants only. In contrast, ethnic identity was positively associated with compliant prosocial behaviors for Ethnic Minority Status participants and not Ethnic Majority Status participants. These findings suggest that economic stress might be particularly salient for White, European American young adults; whereas, ethnic identity might be the more salient for Ethnic Minority Status young adults. It may be that experiencing stress induces White, European American young adults to think relatively more about the needs of others in new ways (Staub & Vollhardt, 2008). In contrast, ethnic identity could contribute to an increased responsivity to the needs of others in Ethnic Minority Status young adults given to the overt salience of ethnic identity for minoritized persons in the U.S. (Phinney & Ong, 2007). These findings are congruent with ecocultural models of prosocial development and highlight the importance of considering contextual and identity-related factors when examining out-group prosocial behaviors among different ethnic groups.

Economic stress was positively associated with ethnic identity for both Ethnic Minority Status and Ethnic Majority Status participants. This finding is consistent with previous research, which has found that stressful experiences correlate with a stronger ethnic identity among youth, including U.S. Latino/a youth (Brittian et al., 2013). However, as research linking economic stress and ethnic identity is limited, the current study contributes to the literature by examining this link during the pandemic among a diverse sample of young adults. Economic stress might prompt young adults to connect with their own ethnic groups in ways that deepen their ethnic group identity in order to promote feelings of connection and belonging (Tajfel & Turner, 2004).

Economic stress was also directly and positively associated with out-group public prosocial behaviors. While there is mixed evidence on the links between economic stress and prosocial behaviors, another study with U.S. Latino/a adolescents found that economic stress was positively associated with public prosocial behaviors (Davis et al., 2017). This study builds from that previous work to demonstrate a similar link but with a focus on out-group public prosocial behaviors as opposed to public prosocial behaviors generalized across targets. It may be that young adults are more likely to engage in this specific form of helping under conditions of stress due to the self-centered and instrumental nature of public helping. For example, public helping might contribute to improving one’s mood because of the general positive social feedback received from others who observe the helping and, therefore, this form of helping can serve as a coping strategy during periods of duress (see Davis et al., 2021).

Ethnic identity was also positively associated with filial piety for both Ethnic Majority Status and Ethnic Minority Status participants. This finding is consistent with prior research, which demonstrates a positive link between ethnic identity and cultural values, including collectivist values and familism, which are both conceptually related to filial piety (Crockett et al., 2022; Streit et al., 2020), as these values reflect connections and identification with a broader cultural group. Ethnic identity may promote filial piety because young adults who are connected to their own ethnicity might also internalize cultural values that center around their in-group, which likely consists of their family members as well as ethnic members outside their family.

Interestingly, ethnic identity also had direct associations with specific forms of out-group prosocial behaviors, including altruistic, emotional, dire, and compliant behaviors. Ethnic identity might provide security and belonging for young adults that allows them to connect with others through prosocial behaviors. Notably, the link between ethnic identity and compliant out-group prosocial behaviors was only significant for Ethnic Minority Status participants and not Ethnic Majority Status participants. This was in contrast to the fact that ethnic identity predicted emotional, dire, and altruistic prosocial behaviors for Ethnic Minority Status and Ethnic Majority Status participants. The contrasting set of relations might be due to the nature of compliant prosocial behaviors, as this form of prosocial behavior is in response to a direct request for help. For Ethnic Majority Status young adults, having a strong ethnic identity as a member of the relatively privileged ethnic majority, might not promote out-group responsiveness to requests for help in the same way that it does for Ethnic Minority Status young adults.

Filial piety, in turn, was positively associated with multiple forms of out-group prosocial behaviors, including altruistic, emotional, dire, and anonymous prosocial behaviors. These findings are consistent with our hypotheses that cultural values, including filial piety, that prioritize others over the self and emphasize relationships might promote prosocial orientations (Knight et al., 2018). Interestingly, these results suggest that filial piety promotes prosocial behaviors that generalize to out-group members, suggesting that this might be an important value for fostering broader harmonious intergroup relations.

Study Limitations

Several limitations of this study should also be noted. First, the data is cross-sectional, so neither causation nor directionality cannot be firmly established. Moreover, while the model is grounded in theory and some prior research, it is possible that there are bidirectional effects. Future studies are needed using stronger study designs (e.g., fully prospective longitudinal designs, experimental designs) that will enable firmer inferences regarding causal directional effects. Second, all measures were completed using self-report, questionnaires, so shared method variance and self-presentational biases could impact the study results. Researchers should utilize multiple methods (e.g., behavioral observations, multiple reporters) in future studies in order to replicate the present findings. And third, given the limitations of conducting research during in the context of Covid-19 pandemic, the present online sample was selective and might be skewed toward individuals who are motivated to participate in online social science research. Thus, the sample might be narrow and not broadly representative. Relatedly, future research is desirable that can include Ethnic Majority and Ethnic Minority Status subsamples to examine possible within-status group effects.

These findings suggest that stress during the pandemic was not inherently negative but also might have served as a catalyst for connecting with dissimilar ethnic others. Similarly, the results yielded evidence that filial piety was linked to out-group prosocial behaviors across groups, so fostering this value in diverse groups of young people might be one way to also improve intergroup dynamics. The nuanced and complex pattern of findings extend and inform ecocultural stress-based models of prosocial development (Carlo & de Guzman, 2009; Davis & Carlo, 2021). Perhaps more importantly, the present findings suggest avenues for interventions (e.g., programs, policies) that support efforts to reduce economic stress and to foster filial piety especially during periods of national trauma to promote outgroup prosocial behaviors and social harmony.

Author Contribution

G. C. conceptualized the paper, helped with data collection, and developed/edited the manuscript.A. N. D. conceptualized the paper, helped with data collection, and developed/edited the manuscript.M. T. heavily edited the manuscript and helped with conceptual arguments.H. S. heavily edited the manuscript and helped with conceptual arguments.L. J. C. heavily edited the manuscript and helped with conceptual arguments.

Data Availability

The dataset generated during and analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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Table 1. Bivariate correlations among main study variables. PB = Prosocial Behaviors

Variable	1.	2.	3.	4.	5.	6.	7.	8.	9.
1. Economic Stress
2. Ethnic Identity	.20*
3. Filial Piety	.05	.46*
4. Out-group Public PB	.23*	.07	.03
5. Out-group Altruistic PB	-.31*	-.14*	-.03	-.62*
6. Out-group Anonymous PB	.20*	.19*	.19*	.29*	-.17*
7. Out-group Emotional PB	.16*	.24*	.26*	.33*	-.11*	.59*
8. Out-group Compliant PB	.07	.21*	.17*	.20*	-.02	.54*	.71*
9. Out-group Dire PB	.08	.22*	.25*	.24*	-.06	.62*	.83*	.77*
Mean(SD)	2.50(.87)	2.80(.65)	6.55(.94)	2.61(1.17)	3.78(1.06)	3.39(1.11)	3.56(1.01)	4.01(1.00)	3.84(1.03)

No competing interests reported.

Ethnic Group Differences in Economic Stress and Out-Group Prosocial Behaviors During the Covid-19 Pandemic: A Cultural Process Model

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Version 1

Abstract

Figures

Introduction

Methods

Results

Discussion

Conclusions

Declarations

Author Contribution

Data Availability

References

Table 1

Additional Declarations

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Version 1