Equity of Access Quantitative Results
Women represent 71% of eligible referrals and 74% of starters, when both population and prevalence figures would predict a relatively even gender split, meaning that men are significantly under-represented in the service.
From an age perspective, 73% of eligible referrals are aged between 30 and 59 years old. In contrast, only 53% of the Derby and Derbyshire population fall within this age bracket. Once obesity prevalence by age group is factored in, the service sees a significantly higher number than expected of 30- to 49-year-olds, whereas adults aged 60 to 79 are under-represented.
Figures on ethnicity show that 92% of eligible referrals and starters are White British which is in line with the local population figures. Local population figures and prevalence would predict that around 3% of our patients would be Asian adults, yet this group only represents 1.5% of our eligible referrals and 2% of our starters, which would indicate that Asian adults are under-represented. However, considering the small sample size, these figures should be viewed with caution as they don’t meet the threshold for statistical significance.
Of the starters in our service, 32% have a disability that affects their mobility or gross motor capability, 14% are recorded as having a behavioural or emotional disability, whereas less than 0.5% have a learning disability. Whilst it was not possible to compare this to local population figures due to lack of data availability, national figures would indicate that people with learning disabilities could also be under-represented in our service.
Finally, more than half of both the eligible referrals (55%) and the starters in our service (55%) live in more deprived areas (with an IMD of 1 to 4), in contrast to 39% of the local population. IMDs range from 1 to 10, where 1 is the most deprived area and 10 is the least deprived. Obesity is more prevalent in areas of low IMD, however, when the data are adjusted for prevalence, patients from IMDs 1 to 4 are still over-represented in the service both at referral and as starters. Amongst the referrals, 26% are from the lowest two IMDs and only 12% are from the highest two. This difference is reduced slightly amongst starters where the lowest two IMDs represent 24% and the highest two represent 14%, which indicates that people from lower IMDs are less likely to take up a referral. In short, more patients from areas of increased deprivation are referred to and start in the service than local population and prevalence figures would predict.
Pathways & Outcomes Quantitative Results
Pathways
During the period of January 2018 to March 2022, 2,581 patients were referred to the T3 Weight Management service. However, around 17% of referrals were deemed ineligible (not progressed and no further data captured). Opt-in or -out data are not available for around 6% of the 2142 eligible referrals (which includes newly referred patients who may not have reached that decision point yet). Unless otherwise specified, the sample size is 2015 at baseline (opt-in analysis), 380 at 24 weeks and 108 at 52 weeks (outcome analysis).
Analysis shows that, consistent with the health equity audit results, men are significantly under-represented within the service. In addition, men are more likely to miss appointments (10% vs 4%) and are slightly more likely to experience unplanned discharge (29% vs 24%), whereas women are more likely to be discharged to bariatric surgery (26% vs 15%). Although there is some minor variation in opt-in rates across different age brackets, these relatively small differences across age groups do not suggest any age-specific barriers beyond the lower referral rates of older adults identified in the equity of access analysis. However, when data on age and gender are analysed together, they indicate that the proportion of men being referred increases with age whereas the proportion of women decreases with age (see Figure 1) and this trend carries through to the proportion of men and women that opt-in.
Figure 1: Referrals by sex/ by age
Data on ethnicity and opt-out (total sample 1815) show that dual heritage patients have the highest opt-out rate (n=59), however, given the small sample size for most ethnic groups, these figures should be viewed with caution. In terms of IMD, patients in the lowest decile are most likely to opt-out (30%) and patients in the highest decile are least likely to opt-out (15%). However, between these two extremes, the data do not appear to follow a linear pattern.
Weight loss outcomes
In terms of weight loss outcomes, on average, 2.7 BMI units were lost at 24 weeks and 4.0 at 52 weeks, indicating that on average, the longer someone is in the service, the more weight they will lose. Men lose more weight than women at 24 weeks, however BMI reduction at 52 weeks shows no significant gender bias (average BMI reduction of 4.1 for women and 4.0 for men). Age is not a barrier to successful outcomes, as older adults (60+) achieve higher than average BMI reduction at both 24 and 52 weeks. Younger adults (18-29) see the largest BMI reduction between 24 and 52 weeks, indicating that they may benefit from staying longer in our service. This appears to also be true of people from the areas of highest deprivation: at 24 weeks those in IMD 1 have a below average BMI reduction (2.2 vs 2.7 average) whereas at 52 weeks they have better outcomes than other groups (5.0 BMI reduction vs 4.3 average). The least deprived decile (IMD 10) has above average BMI reduction at both time points. Trends in other deciles are less clear. As people classed as White British ethnicity represent 89% of the sample, no reliable findings on variation by ethnic group can be reported.
Quality of life & wellbeing outcomes
Across all age groups and both sexes, quality of life scores (as measured by the EQ5-D) increase between 24 and 52 weeks in the service. However, women score higher on average at both time points and there is a linear relationship between age and quality of life, with older groups scoring lower than younger groups. Across all patients there is a reduction in average CORE (Clinical Outcomes in Routine Evaluation) score between baseline and 24 weeks and again between 24 and 52 weeks, meaning a reduction in psychological distress. Furthermore, the reduction from baseline to 24 weeks is bigger (-0.96) than between 24 and 52 weeks (-0.79). Age groups 30 to 59 have the largest average reduction in CORE score at 24 weeks, however this is overtaken by 18-29 year-olds at 52 weeks who see the largest change (from -0.68 at 24 weeks to -1.09 at 52 weeks). Women see a larger reduction in CORE score than men at both time points. Women see a bigger reduction between baseline and 24 weeks (-1.07) than between 24 and 52 weeks (-0.89), whereas men’s score reductions remain relatively similar at both time points (-0.63 at 24 weeks and -0.6 at 52 weeks). Both sexes see a large reduction in the lower range of scores between 24 and 52 weeks, suggesting improvements for those with the lowest scores. Less deprived groups have larger reductions in CORE scores than more deprived groups at 24 weeks. However, there are high levels of variation between the deciles which even out at 52 weeks.
Staff interviews
Staff described how they strive to deliver the service in a manner and format acceptable, understandable, and timely for each patient, in keeping with the personalised nature of the service. Participants tended to focus on challenges they had met and on what more could be done, showing awareness of their own and the service’s development needs vis-à-vis protected characteristics. Two summative themes were created:
- How (well) do we work with present knowledge and skills?
- What (if anything) do we need to work even better?
How well do we work with present knowledge and skills?
The interviews with staff demonstrate that their existing skills facilitate working with people with protected characteristics.
“Obviously, we don’t really know if there is something we should be doing differently, generally we get a rapport with the person, pick up the way they like to do things […] working in a very person-centred way.” (S7)
Regardless of job title, staff felt they had limited formal training on issues associated with protected characteristics but were experienced and pro-active in developing their knowledge on issues they perceived as important in clinical work. Most importantly, staff brought to work personal qualities such as sensitivity, empathy, positivity, and humour that facilitated the creation and maintenance of working alliances. They used clinical supervision and contact with peers to support their work.
Staff expressed confidence in working with patients with mobility comorbidities. The availability of a range of face to face and remote appointments (online, telephone) was reported as having improved access to T3 for patients with mobility issues. Learning disabilities were an area they felt less confident about, and they questioned their results when working with carers (employed carers in particular):
“I think it depends on the carer as to if they're really interested and motivated and to motivate the patient as well” (S1)
Most staff interpreted age as older adults (OA) and reported no real issues for this group, beyond accommodating physical disabilities and considering isolation.Although understanding of weight loss in relation to advancing age varied (e.g., sarcopenia: the loss of muscle mass with age), participants spoke of the need to improve focus on physical activity alongside eating habits to facilitate weight loss. They also highlighted the need to simplify information especially for patients who may have limited technological knowledge:
“the communication method is probably the biggest [adjustment]” (S6)
“Just feeling like […] they have someone to talk to about these things because sometimes people, you know, adults that stage in life can feel quite isolated.” (S6)
Concerns were shared about some younger adults’ understanding of the level of commitment to lifestyle changes required after bariatric surgery and suggestions were made that they should have a longer stay in T3 to fully assess their readiness for surgery:
“Young people are looking for a quick fix” (S5)
“I probably hold different beliefs around suitability” (S5)
Staff views about working with people of other ethnicities varied. Some spoke about adaptations required to improve services for this group, highlighting language issues such as the lack of availability of interpreters during lockdowns, the variable quality of interpretation, how phone appointments limited the amount of information available about both the patient and the interpreter, and the challenges of delivering behaviour change through interpreters:
“Because obviously you know you can't really hear the patient and you can't see them” (S2)
None of the participants had specific training on working with interpreters. In addition, interviewees recognised that the cultural aspects of food and the role of family life in weight management needed to be understood and managed:
“I believe there's always pastries on the table and it sounds like you just pick through the day and things like that and it's a big, strong cultural kind of family thing. So that's quite challenging.” (S1)
They also described religious beliefs, particularly Ramadan, as significant to their work due to the pattern of fasting and feasting. Although all participants stated having no formal training on this, they had sought out information to educate themselves.
“At the moment they're having to cope with things like Ramadan. So they're having to fast.” (S2)
“So I'm curious. I guess I'm curious about, you know, different people's religions and how that affects, impacts on them.” (S5)
Staff were acutely aware that they see more women than men and spoke of the reasons behind this such as different physiology, social roles, and media influence about gender in relation to weight. Some mentioned using a more fact-based approach with men.
“sometimes, men, it's the first time they've really ever thought about controlling their weight” (S3)
Working with transgender people was not perceived as presenting specific challenges as the guidance about weight loss remains the same.
In terms of socio-economic factors, staff report patients raising changes in eating habits or choosing healthier foods as a challenge, as they are perceived as more expensive than their usual food. They also noted the impact of precarious work and benefits on patients’ physical and mental health.
“She was trying to cut her down sugar. And she started to think about soya milk and almond milk. She found that she can't really have that because it's too expensive.” (S2)
In summary, the interviews demonstrated a good level of empathy, skills and awareness of adjustments needed in relation to protected characteristics.
What (if anything) do we need to work even better?
Participants considered how service delivery could be improved in relation to protected characteristics. Several suggestions were made around training and changes that would facilitate and improve their knowledge and practice.
Staff highlighted that adapted materials for people with visual and hearing impairments should be routinely available. They also felt they would benefit from more training in working with people with learning disabilities, especially when providing consultation working in collaboration with other services. Although training has been made available in this area, they don’t seem to recall or consciously apply it. They welcomed the supervisory support they received on this and expressed a desire for more systemic working.
“And I think a more systemic approach and supporting somebody you know, supporting the whole […] residential place.” (S4)
They felt that there was more scope to explore staff and patient assumptions and biases related to age, weight loss and bariatric surgery. Their responses also highlight a need for suggestions about appropriate or adapted physical activity and for the simplification of information and other interventions where appropriate (e.g., where use of technology may be challenging).
Staff expressed a desire for training in working with interpreters, particularly in terms of rapport building and effecting behaviour change, and for longer appointments to allow for translation. They also felt that they would benefit from understanding more about the challenges of religious fasting and exploring aspects of religious practice that may help weight management (e.g. prayer for emotional comfort).
“Now obviously I know the basics of Ramadan, but I'd probably I'd like to know more.” (S1)
Staff suggested working on ways of attracting more male patients to the service through the social normalisation of weight loss and bariatric surgery for men. Finally, their responses demonstrate the importance of support through regular clinical supervision embedded in the service.
Patient Focus Groups
The aim of the focus group and semi-structured interview were to investigate service users’ experiences of the T3 weight management service in terms of accessing and using the service, and to understand what barriers and facilitators might be contributing to inequalities. Inductive themes were generated from the focus group and from the semi-structured interview. These were then reviewed deductively through the lens of inequalities to generate three aggregated themes. Two aggregated themes that were present across both the focus group and the semi-structured interview highlight how the exercise of power can affect access: Stigma & power, and trust & power. In addition, a third theme that was only present in the focus group is represented here because of its importance in terms of inequalities of access: The role of gender.
Stigma and Power
The participants’ experience of stigma from both society and health professionals prior to their referral to T3 left them feeling frustrated and disempowered. They perceive GPs as reluctant to refer due to stigma, prejudice, or cost. Participants have felt superficially judged and dismissed because of their size by health professionals in the position of gatekeepers with the power to decide about their eligibility for referral. They felt that blame was placed on them for being obese.
“It’s the, it’s the tone and the disg-, the almost disgust that they [GPs] have with you. You know what I mean?” (Participant 1)
“And they [GPs] sit there in their chair… in their big leather reclining chair, and criticise me weight and you’re like…Really?” (Participant 1)
“I mean, who wants to go and be told by somebody after you’ve spent your lifetime… being told that you’re fat” (Participant 3)
Coping mechanisms were employed to deflect the threat of stigma and participants exercised their power by either dismissing the issue, using humour as a defence or highlighting external contributors to obesity as a way of reducing responsibility and avoiding judgement.
“You know, you go to the shops and they’re like, a bar of Galaxy, you know, like pound bar or, you know packet of four snickers or whatever for a pound, all that jazz, and it’s really cheap and easy.” (Participant 1)
In some cases these defences can be maladaptive and act as a barrier to confronting the issue of obesity and engaging with the solutions on offer. Participants’ unsuccessful attempts at weight loss have eroded their self-efficacy. However, a supportive and empathetic health professional can help break the deadlock and through mutual trust, understanding and encouragement, the support from T3 facilitated readiness for change.
“…what Doctor [X] said to me, you know, he says I can, I can help you, he says. But it is down to you. You’re in control of your body. What, what you put in, in your mouth is, it’s up to you. But I will do everything I can to make it easier for you.” (Participant 2)
Trust and power
The way power is exercised can affect the capital of trust. By exercising professional power in a facilitative way within the T3 service, trust was invited, and participants felt accepted and understood, thus allowing them to accept the need to change.
And even the psychologist (…) I was able to speak to [them] quite openly and [they] understood (Participant 1)
In this supportive working relationship, participants were able to create a narrative to make sense of their experience of weight gain and examine the extent of their responsibility and control without blame. The relationship empowered them, and they could exercise their newly accessed agency to make lifestyle changes. Both trust and empowerment were further reinforced as people started to experience positive results.
“I’m having to live with [the excess weight] but make the most of it and do what I can to try and get- I’ve got a target to get to.” (Participant 2)
However, stigma and barriers to access (barriers to a referral, waiting lists for bariatric surgery, or lack of access to medication) can undermine trust and the belief that either the health professional, the system or the institution have the participants’ best interests at heart. A deficit of trust built up through years of perceived prejudice can hinder the formation of a working relationship and stop the support being accepted. This created a barrier to enacting the recommendations from the service, which in turn had an impact on outcomes.
“but the bottom line is, you know, I can see that you haven’t got the data to work with. I mean, it’s just some, you know, it’s an awful thing to say, but it’s, almost it’s like a sham, innit, really?” (Participant 3)
Gender
Gender influences attitudes towards weight management. Participants highlighted that the media portray an idealised version of the male body which seemed unattainable and is in contrast with their day-to-day reality where “big” male bodies were increasingly common and therefore normalised. The participants’ euphemistic use of the word “big” can have both positive and negative connotations and particularly in a male context has associations with strength and power, suggesting that even as they recognised their weight as problematic, there was still some acceptance of their size.
“And I know, we see, we’re seeing sort of like increasingly big males you know, obese males, shall we say?” (Participant 1)
Implicitly and explicitly, the participants recognised that there was a greater tolerance of overweight and obesity for men than for women and suggest that women were more aware of their weight.
“How many times will a woman ask you, do you think I’m putting weight on against how many times will a man say do you think I’m putting weight on. They don’t broach that subject.” (Participant 2)
Whereas male pride can prevent men from raising the issue, women were perceived as much more comfortable discussing the topic, and weight management was seen as a female activity. Male gender acts as a barrier to acknowledging the issue and engaging with weight management, particularly for young men who are even more likely to underestimate or deny the issue. However, the role that age plays is a contradictory one. On the one hand, participants perceived that overweight is less of an issue for older men, whilst recognising that they were more receptive to weight management than their younger counterparts.
“But yeah, I think as we get older we, we do become more acceptable.” (Participant 2)
“Young men, males. Young males are like-, they’re invincible. You know, anybody young is invincible, but young males are invincible.” (Participant 1)
Participants felt that they wouldn’t have confronted the issue of their weight without being prompted by associated health issues that challenged their perception and highlighted their vulnerability.
GP Survey Results
Although the survey was distributed through PCN contacts in Derby & Derbyshire and remained live for seven weeks, only 9 attempts to complete the survey were registered, of which only two responses contain any data (one partially completed response and one full response). Conclusions cannot be drawn from such a small sample, other than perhaps seeing this response as symptomatic of primary care workload. However, the textual data does provide some indication of areas for improvement.
With regards to men, one participant commented on the limits of consultation time to conduct a conversation around weight management. Facilitators included patients being proactive and requesting referral, patients being open to discussing a referral for weight loss while consulting for other health conditions, and other health professionals preparing the patient for referral to weight loss services. However, one respondent felt that male patients did not wish to be referred to a specialist weight management service, and that patients’ motivation was compromised by delays in the referral system. Similar issues were highlighted regarding the referral of older adults. In addition, the physiology of aging was highlighted as an obstacle to weight loss. However, the scarcity of response limits the insights that can be inferred from the data.