This study estimated incidence, mortality, and DALYs attributed to AUD, DUD, interpersonal violence, and self-harm worldwide from 1990 to 2021. Globally in 2021, AUD carried the heaviest disease burden among these four behaviors, with an estimated 55.78 million new cases, followed by interpersonal violence, with 29.40 million new cases, 13.61 million new DUD cases, and 5.49 million new self-harm cases. The proportion of males among new AUD, DUD, and interpersonal violence, self-harm cases was 78%, 54.67%, 75.82%, 40.33%, while the proportion of males among DALYs were 80.91%, 62.05%, 77.48%, 68.65% and the proportion for new death cases were 85.32%, 71.26%, 82.31%, 69.54%, respectively. It is indicated that the severity of self-harm among males is more severe compared to females, which is consistent with previous findings[13]. The 15–49 age group have the highest burden of DUD, interpersonal violence, and self-harm and tend to decreased with increasing age. While 50–74 age group has the highest burden of AUD, followed by the 15–49 age group, and similar trends in the APC of DALYs rate for these two age groups from 1990 to 2021.
These findings provide key insights for the formulation of public health policies and interventions, emphasizing the importance of prevention and early intervention due to high incidence and mortality rates. Focusing on the risk factors and interventions for specific gender and age groups is crucial. The high incidence and lower DALYs of self-harm among females suggest that they are more likely to seek help and treatment when experiencing mental health problems, which calls for a more comprehensive mental health counseling and support system. For the 15–49 age group, particularly adolescents and young adults, the implementation of early identification systems, such as educational programs on drug abuse, violence prevention, and mental health may improve the current situation of this demographic. For the 50–74 age group, provide specific interventions for AUD, such as screening and brief intervention programs, which may facilitate access to treatment and rehabilitation services. Whereas policies aimed at reducing occupational stress and promoting healthy lifestyles for middle-aged adults may benefit them more. Based on this data, it guides policy-making, monitors trends in health issues, and ensures the resource allocation is practical and effective.
Alcohol-specific policy development
In 2021, the disease burden caused by alcohol has shifted from sub-Saharan Africa to South Asia compared to the 2016 GBD study, and it is still mainly concentrated in low and lower-middle SDI regions, that may be related to stricter alcohol control and public health measures in high income countries. Compared to wealthier drinkers, poorer populations are more likely to engage in heavy episodic drinking, which can significantly increase the risk of death, that may be the mainly reason for the difference in life expectancy between Eastern and Western Europe[14]. From 1990 to 2021, the DALYs burden caused by alcohol increased by 3.99 million worldwide. Except for declines in Central Europe, Eastern Europe, and the high-income Asia Pacific, all other regions have seen an increase, indicating that it is necessary for global health organizations to establish a framework convention for alcohol control.
Policies targeting alcohol can focus on aspects such as price (affordability), availability, social norms, and education. Reducing the supply of alcohol, especially by restricting late-night sales, will significantly reduce the public health burden of AUD. We always hope to raise awareness of the adverse consequences of alcohol use through education and information provision, even though there is currently no high-quality evidence to suggest that providing cognition and education can substantially reduce the harm of AUD. Alcohol policies are defined as a series of measures aimed at minimizing the health and social harm caused by drinking.[15] Although most research on the effectiveness of alcohol policies has been conducted in high-income countries, these policies have good generalizability and are also applicable to other societies. For example, increasing taxes, setting maximum consumption limits, raising the minimum purchase age, and regulating supply and marketing can reduce the adverse consequences related to AUD.[16] Drunk driving is a common consequence of drinking, which can be reduced through a series of interventions, such as strengthening random breath testing to lower alcohol-related casualties. Implementing effective drunk driving policies can also commit the public and politicians to such measures and provide a reference for the gradual implementation of other policy measures, with media channels being utilized when necessary. Furthermore, early identification and brief advice for individuals engaging in harmful drinking but not yet dependent have been proven effective in both high and low-income countries, and for those with severe alcohol dependence, pharmacological therapies such as glutamate inhibitors and opiate antagonists can reduce the adverse consequences of alcohol.[17, 18] It should be noted that among all mental health disorders, AUD has the lowest treatment rate. Currently, the first-line medications for alcohol intervention are naltrexone and acamprosate, with oral naltrexone being more effective in reducing the rate of relapse to heavy drinking compared to acamprosate.[19] However, medication compliance among the AUD population is relatively low, with only 0–5% of AUD patients in Australia adhering to a 3-month course of naltrexone or acamprosate treatment.[20] In the United States, the number of deaths attributable to unhealthy drinking can reach 145,000 per year, and a 2020 statistical report indicated that over 29.5 million people in the U.S. meet the diagnostic criteria for AUD, yet only 0.9% are receiving treatment.[21] It indicated that medicine is far from sufficient for the treatment of AUD, and combined with other interventions may be more effective.
Drug-specific policy development
Currently, DUD burden remained higher in high SDI regions, especially in high-income North America. This may be related to economic availability and drug communities established in high-income countries. It also indicates that even in high-income countries, the development and implementation of public health policies is not perfect; for example, racial discrimination persists in North America's drug poisoning emergencies.[22] In 2020, 37.3 million people over the age of 12 in the United States have used illegal drugs, with 24.7% of them having opioid use disorders.[23] In Canada, 1,720 people died from opioid poisoning between April and June 2021, a 66% increase compared to the same period in 2019, which is largely attributed to clandestinely produced synthetic opioids, isolation, and limited access to medical and social services.[24] Similar to alcohol, drug abuse is influenced by price and availability. South America is the top global supplier of cocaine[25], and the high prevalence of cocaine use there may be related to low price, while low prevalence of heroin use in South America may be related to high price.
DUD individuals have intersecting structural vulnerabilities and may be accompanied by mental illnesses, personality or mood disorders[26], experiencing inequalities in various resources (such as education, income, etc.), leading to social exclusion and relative poverty.[26] Public health policies and social interventions that address the causes and consequences of this vulnerability can fundamentally reduce the burden of DUD. At the same time, harm reduction policies should be implemented, such as the distribution of sterile syringes and pharmacological interventions like methadone and naltrexone. The drug use issue among young people is currently a social focus, especially the 10–24 age group, who are at an important juncture of cognitive and emotional transformation and are very susceptible to drug dependence after external interventions. Regular health checks should be carried out for these high-risk groups. In addition, community treatment can reduce the burden of DUD, but the coverage of resources in this area is still relatively low, especially in low- and middle-income countries. Current drug policies usually only focus on one-dimensional social positions, emphasizing individual behavioral interventions. Incorporating cross-departmental approaches into drug policy may better adapted to multiple injustices, especially for institutions responsible for health and social policy, which remains challenging.[27]
Interpersonal violence and self-harm specific policy development
One of the serious consequences of interpersonal violence and self-harm is mental health issues. Strengthening social support to alleviate the psychological pressure on those who have suffered from violence and self-harm is essential. Fortunately, from 1990 to 2021, the incidence, DALYs, and mortality rates of global violence and self-harm have shown a downward trend. This reflects an increased awareness of mental health issues worldwide and has also increased the opportunities for this group to access mental health services and social support. Previous GBD studies have found that alcohol and drug use disorders, as major risk factors for violence and self-harm, affect the social burden of disease. So that intervention policies targeting alcohol and drug use disorders may also improve the occurrence of violence and self-harm.
Females have higher self-harm rates, possibly related to the fact that the risk of depression in females is almost twice higher than males.[28]. According to the psychiatric epidemiological survey report, it indicates that females tend to focus on their emotion more than males[29], which may explain the high risk of depression in women. In addition, we found that males have a higher DALYs and mortality attributable to self-harm than females, indicating that they are more likely to choose fatal self-harm methods when encountering mental health problems. It is estimated that 60% of women experience violence at least once in their lives[30], and the interpersonal violence suffered by the female population is more likely from intimate partner violence (IPV).[31] This may be related to the vulnerable status of women in the family and society, as well as the remnants of gender discrimination culture. Although the social status of women has been significantly improved, further progress is still needed. Therefore, interventions targeting this group should address their specific needs and vulnerabilities, including raising the minimum marriage age, improving mandatory reporting systems for violence against minors, and integrating early education on preventing violence against girls into school curricula. In 2018, the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force (USPSTF) recommended IPV screening for women of childbearing age in all medical institutions, and the screening environment should consider differences between regions. The application of intervention measures, resource allocation, and other potential obstacles still need to be discussed. Future research can promote the implementation of public health policies in this field in the following ways: observing these harmful events, studying more new risks and protective factors in different regions and populations, evaluating the actual public health and emergency management measures after the occurrence of violence and self-harm events, incorporating the perspectives of survivors[32], and understanding which services can help this group after the occurrence of violent events or even during mental health changes.
Many of the causes of the burden of alcohol and drugs are preventable or treatable. A plethora of policies aim to mitigate the health, social, and economic harm caused by alcohol and drugs. However, differences in geography, sex, etiology, age, and other factors lead to varying effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of these policies, posing challenges in identifying the most effective and economical methods for prevention and health improvement. It is important to note that AUD, DUD, interpersonal violence, and self-harm influence each other, complicating the etiology of these social events themselves. In this study, we found that alcohol as a risk factor accounted for 68.45% and 68.87% of attributable deaths and DALYs due to self-harm and interpersonal violence, and drug use contributed 11.11% and 9.92%, respectively, which is in line with previous studies. Hoaken et.al concluded that alcohol is more strongly associated with violence than any other psychoactive substance.[33] Cherpitel C.J. and colleagues found an inverse U-shaped relationship between blood alcohol concentrations and the risk of violence[34], and 14.9% of violence is alcohol-related.[35] Acute intoxication increases the tendency to attempt suicide, while long-term alcohol use increases suicidal ideation.[36] From 1990 to 2021, the proportion of DALYs caused by self-harm and interpersonal violence related to alcohol and drug use has changed, increased from 7.6–8.4% globally. Geographically, High-income North America saw a 6.5% increase in the proportion related to drug use, with alcohol remaining relatively stable. While in Andean Latin America, there was a more pronounced increase in the proportion related to alcohol of 5% (Figure S2). Overall, policies designed to control alcohol and drugs also apply to violence and suicide. According to our predictions, by 2040, the burden of AUD, DUD, interpersonal violence, and suicide will remain high worldwide. If left controlled, this will pose a heavy burden on global public health and social well-being.
Furthermore, the attributable burden across different SDI levels reveals the varying degrees of AUD, DUD, interpersonal violence, and self-harm, as well as the relationship between the burden and SDI. Our study results indicate that as SDI increases, the health impact of drug use may become more severe, while lower SDI regions face more complex and heavier health issues. Compared to high SDI areas, populations in lower SDI regions are exposed to more socioeconomic disadvantages, such as poverty, lack of education, and violence, and are more susceptible to mental health problems related to self-harm. However, they also have limited access to opportunities for prevention and treatment, creating a vicious cycle. Establishing comprehensive policies targeting social chaos factors globally is crucial for creating a favorable social environment, especially for those "diagnosed individuals" who wish to restore a healthy lifestyle and social environment. However, the coverage of these interventions remains low, particularly in low- and lower-middle income regions. Promoting collaboration between public health, education, law enforcement, and community organizations to jointly develop and implement effective intervention strategies is essential.
Limitation
In GBD studies, the concept of disability is confined to the health losses of individuals, excluding the social and other impacts on others, the absence of certain DUD, such as cannabis, leads to an underestimation of the estimated number of deaths. Furthermore, the data gap in medical facilities in less developed areas results in insufficient support for statistics on drug use and violence, significantly underestimating the detrimental effects of AUD and DUD, as well as interpersonal violence and self-harm on society. Additionally, GBD calculates the total disease burden of AUD without stratifying by severity, which may lead to varying impacts of public health intervention policies across different regions, impeding policy universality. The definitions of DUD severity differ from country to country, and the diagnostic coding for deaths caused by DUD also varies in some regions, leading to an under- or overestimation of the disease burden associated with DUD. To achieve more accurate data, it is essential to take into account the cultural, economic, and social contexts of different areas when compiling statistics on DUD.