We examined the levels of self-rated health and its associated factors among octogenarians and nonagenarians in urban and rural areas of Korea. In our study, 17.5% of octogenarians and 14.0% of nonagenarians reported their self-rated health as 'good' or 'very good,' which is significantly lower than the 24% reported by those aged 65 and older in Korea [33]. Notably, this figure for Korean adults aged 65 and over is nearly half of the 46% average reported among older adults in the 35 member countries of the Organisaiton for Economic Co-operation and Development [33]. Even when compared with those aged over 80 years from other countries [34, 35], the estimates for Korean older adults were substantially lower. While the significantly lower self-rated health among older adults in Korea compared to other countries is concerning, the steeper decline in self-rated health with age in Korea (− 0.408) compared to Germany (− 0.201) and Sweden (− 0.208) [36] is particularly alarming [36]. This steep decline underscores the need to identify the factors in Korea associated with self-rated health across various age groups among older adults. Disparities may exist between rural and urban areas, where differences in socioeconomic characteristics, behavior, social connectedness, and healthcare access could be associated with variations in self-rated health.
The distribution of older adults in rural areas (32% among octogenarians and 37% among nonagenarians) and urban areas (68% among octogenarians and 64% among nonagenarians) identified in this study, shows a higher proportion of older adults living in urban settings, consistent with trends observed in other high-income countries such as Poland [37] and the United States [38]. Older adults in rural areas represent a larger proportion than the overall population living in rural areas of Korea, which is just 8% [39]. This disproportionate concentration, highlights the need to understand the distribution and challenges across rural and urban areas to ensure healthy aging and promote health equity.
Substantial differences were observed in the characteristics of octogenarians and nonagenarians across rural and urban areas. While females were predominant across all age groups and residential areas, their proportion was higher in rural areas compared to urban areas. Additionally, older adults living in rural areas generally exhibited more disadvantaged characteristics compared to their urban counterparts, including lower education levels, lower income, and higher unmet medical needs. Regarding household composition, nearly 70% of octogenarians lived in single-generation households, indicating they often live alone or with a partner. This figure decreased to 51% among nonagenarians, with a corresponding increase in two- or three- generation households, particularly in urban areas. This shift between octogenarians and nonagenarians could be attributed to several factors, including the need for more accessible healthcare due to declining health and increased morbidities, as well as the need for daily living support from offspring living in urban areas [40–42]. However, given the preference of older adults to age in their own homes and communities, along with the time-related and financial burdens faced by caregivers [41], there is a growing need to enhance home-based support from formal caregivers and community services in rural areas. These services are currently often less accessible and less well-known in rural areas [43].
Moreover, the proportion of urban octogenarians reporting good self-rated health (18.7%) was higher compared to their rural counterparts (15.0%), whereas no significant difference was observed among nonagenarians across rural and urban areas. The lower self-rated health among rural older adults aligns with previous findings, which attribute this to factors such as lower accessibility to healthcare services and socioeconomic status [44, 45]. While our data is limited in explaining the lack of rural-urban differences among nonagenarians, insights could be gained from previous studies that have decomposed the dimensions of self-rated health among older adults [46]. Future research could focus specifically on octogenarians and nonagenarians, considering urban-rural differences.
The well-documented associations between education level and income with good self-rated health were also identified in this study among rural and urban octogenarians, which highlights the need for enhanced support for octogenarians with lower socioeconomic status. Intriguingly, this association did not hold among nonagenarians; in fact, higher education levels were slightly negatively associated with self-rated health among urban nonagenarians. The lack of association between socioeconomic status and self-rated health among the oldest old was similarly observed in a study conducted in the Nordic countries, where the positive influence of education level on self-rated health was significant only for the 75–84 age group and not in the 85–94 and 95 + groups [47]. Similarly, results from a study on Italian nonagenarians found no impact of socioeconomic status—measured as a latent variable including living conditions, education, and occupation—on self-rated health [48].
Several hypotheses could be tested in future research to explain the diminished impact of socioeconomic status on self-rated health among nonagenarians. One possibility is selective mortality, where those who faced greater socioeconomic disadvantages earlier in life may have had higher mortality rates, resulting in a study population that is relatively more advantaged [49]. Additionally, as biological and physiological limitations become more pronounced with age, the impact of socioeconomic status may become less influential. It is also important to consider the historical context of the nonagenarians in our study, who were born between 1924–1933 and grew up during a period when Korea was under Japanese colonization. During this time, access to resources, including education, was extremely limited, and with most of the population encountering challenges with socioeconomic conditions, a gradient in socioeconomic status may not have been perceived as more important than it is now. This is reflected in the overall lower education levels among nonagenarians; only 23% of nonagenarians received education beyond elementary school, compared to 35% among octogenarians. In contrast, over 80% of the current Korean population has completed high school or higher education [50]. As well as futures studies examining the different levels of self-rated health among urban and rural octogenarians and nonagenarians, longitudinal and qualitative research focusing on the self-rated health would help test these hypotheses.
Our results also highlighted disparities in self-rated health based on gender or residential area. For instance, rural women reported lower self-rated health than men, likely due to additional stress from traditional caregiving roles. This aligns with the role strain theory [51], which suggests that the multiple roles women often play can lead to increased stress and health issues. Targeted health management strategies, including women-specific health screenings and wellness programs, and stress reduction workshops, including relaxation techniques like meditation and respite care services, are essential to address these disparities.
Good self-rated oral health, regular walking, and engaging in social activities were consistently associated with reporting good self-rated health across all age groups in both rural and urban areas, highlighting the importance of these factors in promoting the health of octogenarians and nonagenarians. These findings align with previous research, including that of Ball et al. (2010) [52], which emphasized that social integration, healthy eating, and physical activity are crucial for maintaining good health in older adults. Their study showed that social norms significantly influenced health behaviors, suggesting that supportive social networks can enhance engagement in physical activity and healthy eating, promoting overall health. To promote these factors, community-based programs, such as walking clubs, can be established in urban and rural areas to encourage older adults to engage in regular physical activity together. Dental health initiatives, such as mobile dental clinics providing free check-ups in remote areas, can help maintain good oral health. Active social participation can be fostered through community events, such as monthly potluck dinners or hobby clubs, which offer opportunities for social engagement. These activities enhance physical health, provide emotional support, and help prevent social isolation.
Surprisingly, a strong positive association between current smoking and good self-rated health was found among urban nonagenarians, along with a positive association between monthly drinking and good self-rated health across all groups (although the odds ratio for urban nonagenarians was insignificant). While it melay seem counterintuitive that health-risk behaviors like smoking are associated with good self-rated health—especially since these behaviors are associated with poor self-rated health in younger populations [53]—similar findings have been reported in cross-sectional studies of older adults [54–55]. Longitudinal studies examining the trajectories of self-rated health with changes in health-risk behaviors, such as alcohol consumption and smoking, suggest a more complex relationship, as they have reported that those with poor self-rated health often stop engaging in health-risk behaviors like alcohol drinking and smoking [refs]. Therefore, our cross-sectional results should be interpreted with caution and should not be used as evidence to promote these behaviors among older adults. In fact, research indicates that even in advanced age, individuals can gain health benefits from abstaining from or reducing alcohol consumption [56] and quitting smoking [57].
This study has several limitations. First, the cross-sectional design restricts our ability to infer causality, as it does not account for changes over time. For instance, we were aunable to observe how household composition, influenced by migration patterns between urban and rural areas, affects the health of older adults over time. Second, the analysis did not include some variables that could be associated with self-rated health among older adults, such as built environment characteristics [58]. Moreover, while we aimed to identify sex differences in self-rated health by stratifying the analysis by sex across different age groups and residential areas, our small sample size limited our ability to do so. Additionally, the self-rated health measure may not accurately reflect relative health status for older adults with multiple health issues. Self-rated health is both influenced by the severity of existing health problems and changes in health relative to others or over time [19]. Another noteworthy point is the paradox observed in Japan and Korea, where high life expectancy coexists with low self-rated health, which has been attributed to high healthcare utilization. Although previous international studies have demonstrated that self-rated health is a robust predictor of morbidity and mortality, it may have limitations in predicting future health outcomes in Korea, compared to other jurisdictions [59].
Despite these limitations, this study provides crucial evidence for developing targeted interventions to improve the health of older adults. Our findings suggest that public health policies should address the specific needs of different age cohorts rather than treating older adults as a homogeneous group. Tailoring these inverventions can lead to improved self-rated health, which is a robust predictor for objective health outcomes. This study offers valuable insights into enhancing self-rated health among older adults and guiding effective policies in an aging society.