Large and persistent inequalities in children’s educational outcomes have consistently been demonstrated by socioeconomic status; sometimes referred to as the educational achievement gap (1). A meta-analytic review of over 100,000 children living in the USA found a clear positive relationship between socioeconomic status and educational outcomes (2). In the UK, only 63% of children living in the most deprived areas achieve expected levels in national Reading, Writing, and Mathematics educational assessments, whereas 86% of the most affluent children achieve expected levels (3). Failure to achieve these core qualifications significantly hinders a child’s progression into further employment or further education (4). The cumulative impact of not achieving educational qualifications thus leads to long-term challenges not only for the individual, but also for societies as a whole (5).
It is important to understand the potential mechanisms by which socioeconomic disadvantage may impede on successful educational outcomes, as this knowledge can be used to help target possible interventions to improve educational outcomes for socioeconomically disadvantaged children. Researchers have started to examine the longitudinal pathways between socioeconomic inequality, potential mediating factors, and children’s educational achievement. However, studies tend to focus on one potential mediator at a time (e.g., a composite of executive functions (6, 7). Whilst it is beneficial to establish the significance of individual mediators, more information can be gained from comparing multiple mediating pathways simultaneously, as these likely have related, but distinct, effects on educational attainment. In this study, we compare different types of executive functions, and processing speed, as separate mediators in the association between socioeconomic status and children’s educational achievement. By doing so, we allow a richer insight into the underlying mechanisms between SES and educational achievement, which in turn could help inform best use of targeted interventions to ameliorate the potential effects of socioeconomic disadvantage on educational achievement.
Executive functions
One way in which SES may influence children’s educational outcomes is via executive functions. Executive function (EF) is an umbrella term that encompasses the processes responsible for purposeful, goal-directed behaviour (8). In this study we examine two core components of EF that have been identified in children (9): (1) Working Memory (WM), a limited capacity system that allows the storage and manipulation of information over short time periods (10), and (2) Inhibition, which can be defined as the ability to deliberately inhibit dominant or automatic responses (11). Whilst there is some debate in the literature about the exact nature of EF in childhood (12), there is evidence showing that the structure of EF is probably best represented by a two-factor model during childhood, where WM is separable from inhibition between the ages of 5–10 years (13), compared with a three-factor ‘adult’ model of EF which emerges after the age of 11 year, containing shifting, inhibition, and WM (14).
Prior to establishing mediating mechanisms, it is fundamental to first establish direct associations between SES and EF, and between EF and educational outcomes. Previous studies have shown that higher SES is associated with higher scores on EF tasks (15, 16). This could be due to environmental factors linked to low SES, including heightened stress and lower nutrition, both of which may negatively impact the development of brain areas responsible for EF (17, 18). For example, one study has found maternal psychological distress to be a consistent mediator between SES and EF (19).
However, some researchers have argued that it is more likely to be the advantages of socioeconomic wealth, compared with the harmful effects of low SES (e.g. via stress), that drive the socioeconomic differences in children’s outcomes (20). Socioeconomic resources can provide additional opportunities, including a more enriched language and home environment and a greater education quality, resulting in positive changes in children’s brain development, and EF (20). One study showed that neighbourhood SES was associated with WM via greater activation in specific brain areas, supporting the idea that the broader local environment can support a child’s cognitive development through access to community and educational resources outside of the home (21). It is important to note that whatever the reasons may be for socioeconomic differences in children’s outcomes, we do not take a ‘deficit-based’ lens which discusses children as simply lacking skills (22). Instead, we stress the importance of an approach that considers how families at the intersection of various levels of socioeconomic disadvantage are influenced by many sociopolitical and environmental determinants that interact with one another (22, 23).
It has also been shown that higher scores on EF tasks measured in childhood are associated with better educational achievement both in childhood (24, 25), and in adulthood (26). EF underpins many abilities required in a classroom setting: maintaining and shifting attention during a lesson, remembering classroom rules, and using planning to solve problems effectively (6). More recently, a few studies have found that EF mediates the association between SES and educational achievement. Two of these studies looked specifically at mathematical skills, and found that an ‘overall’ EF score (a composite of two or more tasks relating to different EFs) mediated the association (15, 27). Two other studies found that composite EF mediated the association between SES and broader educational achievement (6, 28). Whilst it is useful to establish that EF mediates the association between SES and educational achievement, it does not establish which of the components of EF may be most important in this association, or whether they are equally important. It is possible that certain components of EF are providing the strongest underlying pathways in the association between SES, EF, and educational achievement, and that other components of EF are ‘masking’ or ‘weakening’ the associations.
To the best of our knowledge, four studies have specifically investigated the role that individual components of EF play in mediating the association between SES and educational achievement. Three of these studies found that WM significantly mediated the association, in comparison to other abilities (including verbal ability, cognitive flexibility, inhibition, and attentional control) which did not significantly mediate the association, either at all, or as strongly. Two of these were longitudinal studies which followed children from ages 8 to 13 years (29), and 1-month-old to 8 years (30), and one was cross-sectional, with children aged 8-years-old (31). However, the fourth demonstrated contradicting results in a cross-sectional study with 3-4-year-olds, finding a relationship between SES and educational achievement via inhibitory control, but not via WM (32).
The current study will build on the findings of these studies in important ways. Only two of the previous studies have used longitudinal data, whereas the other two have used cross-sectional data (31, 32). In comparison to more appropriate longitudinal data, mediation analyses of cross-sectional data can lead to different and potentially inaccurate estimates regarding the mediation process under study. Mediation is a process that unfolds over time, therefore it is essential that a temporal sequence is apparent in the data, where the independent variable precedes the mediator, and the mediator precedes the outcome (33).
Next, related to the above issue, it is important to consider the timing by which these processes unfold. Previous research has established the presence of cross-sectional associations at 4 years-old and 8-years-old (31, 32), across the early years period between 1 month and 5-years-old (30), and across middle childhood between age 9 years and 13 years (29). However, it is important to examine whether SES measured during pregnancy and early life has longstanding associations with later outcomes into the middle childhood period, particularly since children are most susceptible to their environments in the earliest years of their lives (18, 34). This information could be used to target interventions which could mitigate the impacts of early socioeconomic disadvantage.
Further, most of these studies have relied upon tests of educational abilities that are not part of children’s educational records, limiting their generalisability to having real world implications for children (30–32). It is crucial to build an understanding of the impact of SES and EF on children’s performance on the examinations and tests that become part of their educational record and which most children routinely undergo, for example, the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) in the US, or Key Stage Tests in the UK. These tests influence a child’s path through education and predict life outcomes in terms of their socioeconomic mobility, as a child’s educational achievement determines their future chances of obtaining further qualifications in higher education and influences their options for future employment (4). It is therefore important to use these types of tests as the outcome variable to understand fully how different aspects of EF mediate the association between SES and real-world educational achievement.
Finally, our understanding of whether these associations are generalisable to different ethnic groups is limited. ‘Ethnicity’ as a construct encompasses shared descent, heritage and culture, and often includes shared religion, tradition and language (35). In England, ethnic minority groups tend to experience higher levels of socioeconomic disadvantage (35). Ethnicity can be associated with SES (36), executive functions (16, 37), and educational achievement (3), therefore a lack of consideration of ethnicity may potentially lead to a biased understanding of these associations.
A previous systematic review and meta-analysis on ethnic group differences in executive functions tasks in US samples found large absolute differences between ‘White’ ethnic groups and minority ethnic groups, and medium sized differences between ethnic minority groups. ‘White’ ethnic groups had higher scores than ethnic minority groups overall, and the authors conclude that this could be due to stereotype threat, racism, race-based social stress, linguistic ability, and/or acculturation (37). Further, many tasks of EF were normed and developed with White children, which brings into question whether they are as valid a measure for ethnic minority children (22). Existing research on the sample used in the present study found differences in WM scores between ‘White’ and ethnic minority groups, where many of the ethnic minority groups had higher scores on WM tasks than the White British group (16), suggesting that these relationships may differ by context and country.
The consideration of ethnicity is also important for variation in educational achievement. In England, pupils belonging to ethnic minority groups make up 31.8% of the total school population, with pupils of Pakistani heritage being the largest single ethnic minority group, at 4% of the total school population (3). National data in England indicates that most ethnic minority groups tend to have higher levels of educational achievement than White British pupils at age 16. However, there are intersectional inequalities by both ethnicity and SES, with White British and Black Caribbean/Mixed White & Black Caribbean students from low SES backgrounds having the lowest educational achievement nationally in England (38, 39). It is therefore possible that research relating EF to educational achievement does not represent a wider population, since it so often relies upon ‘White’ ethnic groups (22), and frequently does not consider the role of ethnicity in these associations. Again, any differences in EF and educational achievement by ethnic group are likely a result of the complex intersection between socioeconomic, sociopolitical, and other environmental experiences (22, 23).
Processing speed
Another ability through which socioeconomic status may influence children’s educational achievement is via processing speed, which relates to how quickly children process information, and is normally measured using a reaction-time task (40, 41). It has been proposed that individual differences in EF may be driven by processing speed, and that inclusion of processing speed measures may further explain links between EF and educational achievement (40).
Previous studies have found that processing speed has distinct associations with children’s educational achievement that are separable from the association between WM and educational achievement. Processing speed and higher WM scores predicted higher overall achievement in a sample of 65 children aged 9–10 years (41). In contrast, faster processing speed at 5 years related to higher math achievement at 6 years, but WM skills did not (42).
To the best of our knowledge, only two studies have investigated the relation between childhood socioeconomic status and processing speed. Socioeconomic status was related to better performance on a perceptual processing speed task in 7–11-year-olds, a relationship that was consistent across both White and African American children (43). A similar result was found with an ethnically diverse sample of 4-5-year-olds, but where processing speed was measured via reaction times in response to a WM task (44). As with the potential mechanisms behind SES and EF, this association may occur through the negative impact of low SES related factors such as stress and nutrition (17–19), or through the enriched opportunities gained by higher SES (20, 21). However, and with particular relevance to the current study, no studies have tested the mediation between socioeconomic status and educational achievement via processing speed.
Study context and objectives
In this study we tested the different contributions of EF and processing speed abilities during middle childhood, to the relations between early life SES and educational achievement at age 10-years-old. The study uses data from a longitudinal cohort study based in Bradford, England. Levels of child poverty in Bradford are amongst some of the highest in England, with 39% of children living in relative poverty after housing costs in 2020/21 (45). Bradford is an ethnically diverse city, with 57% of school pupils belonging to an ethnic minority, and 63% of those pupils being Pakistani heritage (46). Since ethnic group may be associated with differences in both EF (16, 37), and educational achievement (3), we included a diverse range of ethnic groups in our analyses, and adjusted our models for the potential effect of ethnicity.
Based on previous research we expect that the association between SES and educational achievement will be mediated by overall EF. Given the lack of research looking at processing speed as a mediating factor we did not have any predictions about whether processing speed would be a stronger or weaker mediating factor after controlling for mediation via EF. Further, we tested the contributions of the two core EF components (WM and Inhibition) to the relations between SES and educational achievement. Whilst, on balance, previous research suggests that WM may be a stronger mediator when compared to other executive functions, this previous research has limitations, and the findings have been contradictory (32). We therefore anticipate that the association between SES and educational achievement is likely to be more strongly mediated by WM than by inhibition.