During the last decade, the discussions about climate change have evolved beyond technical and technological debates, and politicians and religious leaders have started to acknowledge the complexity of the matter more frequently than ever. In a recent interview, for example, Pope Francis emphasised that addressing climate change-related problems requires profound changes in lifestyles and consumption patterns beyond technological innovation alone. Similarly, political figures such as former U.S. President Obama have stressed the importance of international cooperation and policy frameworks that go beyond technological solutions to tackle climate-related problems’ root causes. These leaders recognise that technological advancements are crucial but must be complemented by shifts in societal values to achieve meaningful and sustainable change. More and more, individuals and communities are grappling with fears about the future, biodiversity loss, and environmental justice, highlighting the need for compassionate and inclusive approaches to addressing climate impacts.
Ever since the discourse surrounding climate issues has changed and related anxiety has increased, the above-mentioned need for holistic approaches encompassing social, political, and cultural dimensions alongside technological advancements became more visible. This necessity is mainly based on the fact that the offered technical solutions are bound to social and psychological barriers and are evaluated through the lenses of existing culture, values, and beliefs, which can hinder appropriate responses (Markowitz & Shariff, 2012). Accordingly, a more comprehensive approach is needed to cover human behaviour, culture, and attitudes for climate-related problems and their mitigation. The current study aims at this gap by exploring variations in ideological positions, religious affiliations, and religiosity levels and their interactions with climate anxiety.
Ideological positions often dictate how individuals and groups perceive societal problems, including climate change. For example, political ideologies can influence attitudes towards regulatory measures, international cooperation, and the role of government in addressing environmental issues. Indeed, prior studies have demonstrated that political orientation can influence the connection between education or self-reported comprehension and climate change concerns (Gregersen et al., 2020; Hamilton, 2011). However, while ideologies can shape climate-based anxiety, people’s attitudes might still differ based on their other values, which highly correlate to their ideologies, like their religious affiliations. That is to say, while individuals belonging to both ends of the spectrum might hold different evaluations related to climate issues, this study argues that due to the strong connection between religious affiliation and ideological positions, climate anxiety levels that are shaped by ideological positions may also vary depending on a person’s religious affiliation and also their religiosity levels. This is because religious affiliations and beliefs provide another dimension to the discourse on climate change. Different religions often have distinct teachings and values regarding environmental stewardship, sustainability, and human responsibility towards the natural world. Religious leaders and communities can thus mobilise efforts towards climate action, advocate for ethical consumption patterns, and promote environmental justice as integral components of their faith-based teachings.
Accordingly, this article argues that the interconnectedness between ideology and religious affiliations shapes climate anxiety. Such an analysis is essential since contrasting arguments underscore the complexity of factors influencing climate anxiety, emphasising the need to consider diverse perspectives and variables. Accordingly, we will first discuss the literature and its repercussions on climate anxiety. Following this, we will discuss the independent variables of our study, including climate anxiety, ideological positions and religious affiliations. The third section will present data, methods and findings. The last section discusses these findings and concludes the study. The findings indicate that not only ideological positions, religious affiliations and religiosity levels are robust predictors of climate anxiety, but also their interactions effectively explain the variation in climate anxiety.
Literature Review
Climate anxiety is a popular concept widely discussed in academic circles, media and the general public (Haseley, 2019; Hickman, 2020; Ogunbode et al., 2023; Panu, 2020; Pihkala, 2020), which attracts a considerable amount of attention (Cunsolo Sherilee L.; Minor Kelton; Hayes Katie; Williams Kimberly G.; Howard Courtney, 2020). Reflecting this heterogeneity, the existing research utilises the idea of climate anxiety in various ways, ranging from intense anxiety (Clayton & Karazsia, 2020; Stanley Teaghan L.; Leviston Zoe; Walker Iain, 2021; Taylor, 2020) to a prevailing emotion, which includes its role in motivating behaviour change and information seeking (Demski Stuart; Pidgeon Nicholas Frank; Sposato Robert Gennaro; Spence Alexa, 2016).
So, it is not surprising that we do not observe a consensus on the definition of the term. There are numerous differences in opinion and vocabulary on the term anxiety itself. For example, anxiety can appear when faced with troublesome ambiguity or painful circumstances, which may fall into the domain of social anxiety. Most of the work on climate anxiety highlights specific characteristics and factors evident in the available data regarding people’s climate anxiety experiences. The ecological catastrophe, particularly the climate crisis, generates anxiety-inducing emotions of uncertainty, unpredictability, and lack of control, and it also appears that most of the work linking climate anxiety with politics handles the concept as non-pathological, expressing it as a “practical worry,” resulting in problem-solving attitudes. (Panu, 2020a). However, a fundamental and widely held perspective about climate anxiety refers to a type of worry which is future-oriented and tied to an unclear danger (Grupe Jack B., 2013).
Not surprisingly, this multifaceted nature of the concept attracts attention from social and political sciences since anxiety or fear can be variables for various social dynamics. So, within these domains, climate anxiety is usually associated with problems that impair the existing social order. In one of the dominant approaches advocated by Beck (1992), for example, it is stated that the fragmentation of traditional sources of norms and meanings gives individuals a great deal more freedom but also increases the likelihood and propensity for anxiety when paired with the fast evolution of cultures and technologies; and this particular type of anxiety manifests itself connected to ecological problems. Further research demonstrated the link between climate anxiety and emotions in detail, providing empirical evidence on how being silenced about matters related to ecological matters through social norms may lead to anxiety among individuals (Brulle et al., 2019). Finally, research also showed that individuals with climate anxiety tend to think that the surrounding society is in a state of ignorance or lack of understanding and, perhaps more importantly, their anxiety increases by social incidents (Panu, 2020b). The relevant literature, which focuses on these socio-political domains, links the individual ability to respond to climate-related issues to political attitudes. Indeed, several studies used this stance and predicted climate-related behaviours based on individuals’ political interests, worries, and risk perceptions (Roser-Renouf Edward; Leiserowitz Anthony; Zhao Xiaoquan, 2014; Zhao et al., 2011). Among these attitudes, this study focuses on ideology, religiosity, political interest and news consumption.
Political ideology is the first political attitude this paper utilises as a determinant of climate-related emotions. Political ideology is defined as an interconnected set of attitudes and values that include cognitive, affective, and motivational components that help to explain why people do what they do and how societies work to attain appropriate goals such as social fairness and social order (Jost Christopher M.; Napier Jaime L., 2009; Kidwell Adam; Hardesty David M., 2013). In other words, an individual’s position on the left-right spectrum indicates one’s primary personal value and underlying convictions about appropriate societal goals and how to attain them (Chin Donald C.; Treviño Linda Klebe, 2013). Moreover, political ideology can be perceived as a key organising axis for individual beliefs on various issues (Caprara Shalom H.; Capanna Cristina; Vecchione Michele; Barbaranelli Claudio, 2006). That is to say, individuals who locate themselves on the right side of the political spectrum place a premium on authority, stability, and the status quo. In contrast, individuals on the left place a premium on civil rights and social issues such as diversity, social justice, social change, and natural environment protection (Hu et al., 2017).
A typical method for gauging political orientation is to ask respondents to place themselves on a liberal vs conservative (in the United States; for example, American National Election Studies) or a (political) left versus right (in Europe; for example, European Social Survey) scale. Reviewing the existing research that utilised these scales, McCright et al. (2016) identified political ideology as one of the most important and consistent predictors of climate change perceptions, such as anxiety and concern. They argue that people who identify as left-leaning or liberal are more likely to believe in the truth and anthropogenic character of climate change and to be concerned about it than those who identify as right-leaning or conservative. Other research that mainly focuses on the U.S. context found similar evidence: people who locate themselves on the left tend to have high levels of environmental concerns (Cruz, 2017; Goldberg Sander; Leiserowitz Anthony; Maibach Edward, 2019; Hornsey Emily A.; Bain Paul G.; Fielding Kelly S., 2016).
Shifting the focus to the international context, Kvaloy et al. (2012) discovered that left-leaning persons are more likely to regard climate change as a severe problem when measuring political orientation on a left-right continuum in an international context. Likewise, Doran et al. (2018) discovered that political orientation predicted support for climate policy even after controlling for consequence views and moral concerns about climate change. Using the same data, Poortinga et al. (2019) also discovered a straightforward and highly consistent negative correlation between right-leaning political orientation and climate change concerns. However, research from European countries has generally found more minor relationships between political orientation and climate change opinions than studies from the United States (McCright Riley E., 2011; Song Neil A.; Ballew Matthew T.; Bravo Mario; Davydova Julie; Gao H. Oliver; Garcia Robert J.; Hiltner Sofia; Naiman Sarah M.; Pearson Adam R.; Romero-Canyas Rainer; Schuldt Jonathon P., 2020). Smith and Mayer (2018), for example, report that the association between party affiliation and perceived danger from climate change is most robust in English-speaking countries, moderate in non-English-speaking Western European countries, and minimal in post-communist states, mapped on a left-right continuum to allow for cross-country comparisons.
Religious denominations and religiosity constitute this study’s second group of independent variables. Varying denominations can indeed influence individuals’ attitudes and responses to climate change, impacting the levels of climate anxiety experienced within different religious communities. Research has shown that religious beliefs and practices can affect environmental perceptions and behaviours, with some religious groups showing more significant concern for environmental issues and engaging in more pro-environmental actions (Haseley, 2019b; Hope & Jones, 2014). For instance, Muslims, as the second-largest faith group globally, are concentrated in regions particularly affected by global warming, underscoring the potential influence of Islam on climate change perceptions and mitigation activities (Köhrsen, 2021). Additionally, the organisational characteristics of religious groups can have significant implications for addressing human-induced climate change, highlighting the role of religion in environmental challenges (Haluza‐DeLay, 2014a).
The relationship between religious affiliation and climate anxiety is complex, with studies suggesting that religious faith can shape attitudes towards environmental issues and climate change technologies (Thomas et al., 2019). Religious beliefs may offer individuals hope and agency in facing environmental challenges, potentially alleviating feelings of anxiety and despair associated with climate change (Pihkala, 2018). The impact of religious denominations on environmental attitudes and behaviours can vary, with some promoting environmental stewardship and sustainability practices, while others may hold different perspectives on climate change and its consequences. Accordingly, religious denominations play a multifaceted role in shaping individuals’ responses to climate change and climate anxiety.
Media consumption patterns and their relationship to climate anxiety constitute the third focus of this study. Media consumption can play a crucial role in shaping individuals’ experiences of climate anxiety since exposure to climate change information through the media may manipulate emotional responses, beliefs, and behaviours related to climate change. Studies have shown that increased exposure to media content related to climate change and environmental crises can lead to heightened levels of anxiety and distress (Loll et al., 2023). Additionally, the media’s portrayal of climate change impacts can evoke emotional responses such as worry, fear, and anxiety among audiences. Reports of severe weather events attributed to climate change and the widespread dissemination of climate-related impacts in the media can increase concern and anxiety about the future, and media exposure to climate change risks and challenges can affect individuals’ perceptions of threat and vulnerability, influencing their emotional wellbeing and mental health (Seate et al., 2017; Stewart et al., 2023).
On the other hand, how climate change issues are framed in the media can influence public perceptions and responses to environmental crises, impacting individuals’ sense of agency, self-efficacy, and engagement with climate change mitigation efforts (Shantz, 2024). For example, media platforms can inspire hope and motivation in addressing climate change challenges, emphasising the urgency of climate action and showcasing successful environmental initiatives, potentially reducing feelings of helplessness and anxiety (Haluza‐DeLay, 2014b).
Theory
This study argues that climate anxiety and climate-related actions are bound to cultural and political issues like denominations, religiosity, and ideology. This multifaceted relationship may encompass many attitudes. For example, religious affiliation and the level of religiosity can sometimes hinder climate change solutions in specific contexts. Conversely, individuals with different ideologies may support such solutions more strongly, regardless of their religious affiliations. Similarly, in some instances, spirituality may foster increased climate concern and caring behaviour, whereas religious fundamentalism may work against it. Similarly, political orientation and values may influence policy support for climate action. In that sense, it would not be wrong to argue that left-wing political orientation, egalitarian worldviews, and environmental values are positively associated with support for climate policies. So, individuals with left-leaning ideologies may be more inclined to endorse climate action measures than those with right-wing orientations. Additionally, some extreme-right ideologies, such as Christian nationalism, can reduce support for climate legislation by framing government intervention as a threat to religious liberty, suggesting that ideological beliefs rooted in religious affiliations can influence perceptions of climate policies and interventions.
Moreover, the effectiveness of religious ad appeals in inspiring action on the climate crisis may vary depending on individuals’ religious orientations, underscoring the importance of considering the diversity of religious beliefs and values when designing communication strategies to promote climate action. Religious affiliations and religiosity can also intersect with socioeconomic factors to influence climate-related behaviours, shaping support for pro-environmental actions. In such cases, the need to consider the interplay between religious beliefs, economic circumstances, and environmental attitudes becomes more pronounced when addressing climate change challenges.
So, religious affiliations, religiosity, and ideological differences between left and right are interconnected factors that impact individuals’ attitudes and actions towards climate change. Understanding the complex interplay between religious beliefs, political ideologies, and values is essential for developing inclusive and practical strategies to address climate change and promote sustainable practices.
The second argument of this study is related to news consumption. It is usually argued that in developed nations, individuals often have greater access to information, education, and resources, leading to increased awareness of the potential impacts of climate change. This heightened awareness, coupled with a sense of responsibility and agency, can contribute to elevated levels of climate anxiety among the population (Hickman et al., 2021). Moreover, the media coverage and public discourse surrounding climate change in developed countries tend to be more extensive and detailed, exposing individuals to a wide range of information about environmental challenges and potential risks, contributing to heightened anxiety levels (Wullenkord et al., 2021). In developed countries, where there is often a higher level of environmental consciousness and activism, individuals may experience climate anxiety because of concerns about the urgency of addressing climate change, the potential consequences for future generations, and the perceived lack of effective government responses to environmental challenges (Valkengoed et al., 2023). The sense of responsibility and accountability that individuals in developed countries may feel towards mitigating climate change can also contribute to increased anxiety levels as they grapple with the magnitude of the crisis and the need for urgent action (Hajek & König, 2023). Furthermore, the disparities in greenhouse gas emissions and historical contributions to climate change between developed and developing countries can also influence levels of climate anxiety. Individuals in developed countries may experience guilt or anxiety related to their countries’ past and current environmental practices, contributing to a sense of moral responsibility and concern about the future (Soutar & Wand, 2022).
Although the literature mentioned above is well-established and robust, a considerable need exists to understand climate anxiety with alternative cultural and political variables. As discussed above, we think religious and political values and their intensity strongly influence climate-related attitudes.