Identity Tension and Emotion Regulation: A case study of Chinese novice EFL teachers

doi:10.21203/rs.3.rs-5275705/v1

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Identity Tension and Emotion Regulation: A case study of Chinese novice EFL teachers

https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-5275705/v1

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This study explores Chinese novice EFL teachers’ identity tensions and their emotion regulation strategies in navigating these tensions. By interviewing six EFL teachers from Chinese primary and secondary schools, three types of identity tensions are first pinpointed. Participants’ imagined identities — such as being key teachers in main subjects, collaborators with parents and focused English teachers — significantly conflict with the practiced identities as marginalised teachers, sole educators and constrained subordinate workers. Additionally, by applying Gross’ framework of emotion regulation, the research identifies four interrelated strategies that teachers employ to tackle emotional challenges. The study broadens the understanding of EFL teachers’ professional identity development, highlighting the dynamic relationship between identity formation and emotion regulation.

Chinese EFL teachers

EFL teachers’ professional development

Teacher identity tension

Emotion regulation

As an ongoing process, English as Foreign Language (EFL) teachers’ identity construction often faces different asymmetric power dynamics, such as imposed institutional policies or socio-cultural norms (Eslamdoost et al., 2020). These dynamics pull teachers in ‘different directions’ (Berry, 2007, p. 32), constantly challenging their perceptions, beliefs, or values of ‘being a teacher’. The situation conceptualized as ‘identity tension’, serves as an inevitable obstacle that profoundly impacts everyday teaching practices (Alsup, 2005). Such influence is especially salient for novice teachers as they transition from being students to becoming teachers (Xu, 2013; Tajeddin & Yazan, 2024). However, there exists very little empirical research on Chinese novice EFL teachers’ identity tension, particularly in the context of primary and middle school (Jiang et al., 2021). Under such circumstances, we raise the first vital research question: What identity tensions do Chinese novice EFL teachers experience in their early years of teaching?

In addition, teachers’ identity tensions are not only cognitive conflicts but rife with ‘emotional dissonance’ that may lead to significant frustration, stress, and burnout (Golombek & Doran, 2014, p.108). Despite the widespread emotional challenges, little is known about how novice EFL teachers regulate these emotions. Thus, we raise the second research question: How do Chinese novice EFL teachers regulate their negative emotions arising from identity tensions?

To answer the above two research questions, the present research reports a case study of six novice EFL teachers in Chinese primary and secondary schools (i.e., K-9 education) on their identity tensions and emotion regulation strategies. By using qualitative methods like semi-structured interviews, the study will examine teachers’ lived experiences, exploring how they respond to tensions and emotional challenges in their professional journeys.

EFL teacher’s identity tension

The study of language teachers’ identity tension can be traced back to the ‘Quiet Revolution’ in the early 2000s when researchers started to emphasize the significance of sociocultural factors involved in language teaching (Johnson, 2000). Language teachers are therefore not merely the people who impart linguistic knowledge but also facilitators of learning who navigate complex sociocultural contexts (Yates & Muchisky, 2003). Over the course of the continual navigations, conflicts occur between external sociocultural forces and teachers’ internal convictions from micro, meso, and macro levels (De Costa & Norton, 2017; Yazan & Keleş, 2024). There have been a large number of studies focusing on such a tripartite framework with promising empirical evidence. First, on the micro level, tensions may occur between teachers’ personal teaching beliefs and everyday interactions with students or colleagues (Montgomery et al., 2024). One frequent case indicated by Li and De Costa (2018) is that novice teachers often tend to employ a more communicative approach to English teaching in which teachers act as facilitators rather than lecturers. However, the classroom size as well as students’ unsatisfactory speaking ability leave them no choice but to opt for the less interactive methods (e.g., grammar-translation method). Under such circumstances, novice teachers’ imagined facilitator identity conflicts with the practiced identity. Second, institutional policies and expectations can often incur identity tension. In the study of four novice EFL teachers in Hong Kong, Trent (2017, p. 98) finds that the school’s demand for ‘uniformity in classroom teaching practices’ significantly challenges teachers’ beliefs on teaching. Teachers are required to participate in daily group lesson planning, which is often time-consuming and can restrict in-class autonomy. Similar situations also exist in mainland China when EFL teachers become ‘routine performers’ who follow rigid, school-imposed schedules (Xu, 2013, p. 84). Finally, sociocultural norms and ideologies serve as the major sources of identity tensions from the macro level (Ruohotie-Lyhty et al., 2024). In Iran, female EFL teachers confront significant tensions from the ‘dress code’ and ‘interpersonal relationships’ influenced by religious norms and cultural values (Tajeddin et al., 2024, p. 208). In comparison, the so-called ‘balance culture’ strongly challenges Chinese EFL teachers’ beliefs on their identity as ‘language experts’. Awards at the school are not based on teaching competence but are instead given as a matter of balance to maintain harmony among the faculty (Xu, 2013).

Despite the increasing empirical studies from the three levels, more needs to be done as Generation Z (GenZ) is becoming the cornerstone of the EFL teaching workforce. Born between the late 1990s and early 2010s, Gen Z are more educated but tend to face increasing stress and anxiety compared with previous generations (Bethune, 2019). Moreover, attitudes toward English learning have also shifted over the last decades in China due to a rise in national pride (Pan, 2019). On the one hand, some people question the necessity of English learning. On the other hand, words and expressions related to Chinese traditional culture or sociopolitical system emerge massively in Chinese EFL textbooks as a result of the official agenda of ‘Telling Chinese Story Well’ (Liu, 2023). In light of these developments, it is necessary to explore identity tensions faced by novice EFL teachers within the rapidly evolving sociocultural landscape of China. By focusing on the emerging demographic, the current research aims to provide a deeper understanding of identity tensions, which will contribute to the broader discourse on teacher identity in the context of changing educational and sociocultural dynamics.

Emotion regulation strategies

Although much of the existing research has explored the emotional challenges and identity tensions, less attention has been paid to the specific strategies teachers employ to regulate these emotions. The present study, on the other hand, aims to pinpoint the specific emotion regulation strategies employed by novice EFL teachers in China. As indicated by Gross (2015, pp.7-9), emotion regulation can be categorized into five types: situation selection, situation modification, attentional deployment, cognitive change, and response modulation. Situation selection means making choices to put individuals in situations that will likely lead to good feelings or avoid bad ones. It is a strategy that looks ahead and may successfully lead to positive life changes (Heatherton & Nichols, 1994; Gross, 2015). However, EFL teachers are less likely to employ such a strategy as it often means avoiding teaching a particular class or even quitting the job (Taxer & Gross, 2018; Morris & King, 2018). In contrast, situation modification is a strategy that actively changes a situation to influence its emotional impact (Gross, 2015). For instance, an EFL teacher may feel embarrassed or frustrated when students are unable to answer the questions. To address this, the teacher might ask a simpler question to encourage students’ responses.

Attentional deployment is a process in which individuals redirect their attention to influence emotional reactions (Thumvichit, 2023). EFL teachers may adopt such a strategy by ignoring disruptive students to maintain classroom focus. Another emotion regulation strategy is cognitive change, which involves altering how an individual interprets a situation to influence their emotional response. A widely used form of cognitive change is ‘reappraisal,’ where individuals modify the meaning or personal relevance of an emotional situation to manage their feelings (Gross, 2015). As for EFL teachers, they may reinterpret a potentially emotion-triggering situation in a way that changes its emotional impact.

Unlike the previous four strategies which are ‘antecedent-focused’, response modulation directly alters different aspects of emotional reaction after the emotion has fully developed (Gross, 2015, p. 9). Expressive suppression and venting are common forms of response modulation (Páez, et al., 2013). Individuals may attempt to inhibit their ‘emotion-expressive behaviour’. For example, teachers may take deep breaths or pause for a moment to calm themselves before addressing a challenging classroom situation. Instead, teachers can directly express their feelings so that negative emotions can ‘flow outside of the presence of the source of the emotion’ (Morris & King, 2018, p. 446).

Overall, this five-type model provides a comprehensive framework for understanding EFL teachers’ emotion regulation, supported by an increasing amount of empirical evidence (Pappa & Hökkä, 2021). Thus, the present study will apply this model in the data analysis to deductively code the findings.

Semi-structured interviews were employed to investigate six participants’ unique emotional experiences as well as the identity construction process. Compared to structured and unstructured interviews, the semi-structured interview provides a balance of flexibility and focus, helping to prevent interviewees from straying off-topic. It is typically guided by pre-formulated questions, allowing interviewees to expand on their ideas in an open-ended manner (Dörnyei, 2007, p.135). In the current study, guided questions were primarily developed based on Pillen et al.’s study (2013) on beginning teachers’ professional identity and Nazari et al.’s (2023) research on novice EFL teachers. Prior to the main study, a pilot study was conducted with two EFL teachers in middle schools to refine the interview questions. The pilot revealed no ambiguity in guided questions, confirming their efficiency in eliciting detailed accounts of the participants’ teaching experiences. Sample questions include: ‘How would you describe your relationships with your students and colleagues? Do these relationships meet your expectations?’.

Sampling and participants

A purposeful sampling method was chosen to collect the data of six EFL teachers. As a non-probability sampling technique, purposeful sampling selects participants based on specific characteristics that are most relevant to the study (Creswell, 2013). Therefore, while this approach cannot provide ‘empirical generalizations’, it enables researchers to gain deep and contextually rich insights into the specific phenomena under investigation (Patton, 2002, p. 230).

The participants were selected based on specific criteria relevant to the study’s objectives, including their teaching experience and homeroom teachers’ (Banzhuren) responsibilities. The sample comprised five female and one male teacher, aged between 23 and 26 years, each with 1 to 3 years of teaching experience (See Table 1). Additionally, the sample was balanced between those serving as homeroom teachers, known as Banzhurens in China, and those who were not. As an ‘effective education character’ in Chinese education, Banzhurens’ responsibilities extend ‘far beyond’ those of a typical homeroom teacher or classroom advisor (Li et al., 2023, p. 856). In addition to teaching a specific subject, Banzhurens are responsible for the overall welfare and academic progress of an entire class.

Table 1 Participants’ profile

Participants	Gender	Age	Teaching experience (years)	Grade teaching	Banzhuren’s experience
Zhao	Female	23	2	Primary	No
Wang	Female	25	2	Secondary	Yes
Li	Male	23	2	Secondary	Yes
Qian	Female	23	2	Primary	No
Song	Female	23	1	Primary	No
Lin	Female	26	3	Primary	Yes

Data collection and analysis

Potential participants were contacted by the authors in July 2024 when most teachers had just finished a hectic one-term teaching session. As lecturers at N College, the authors had previously become acquainted with the participants during their enrolment in a four-year English teaching programme at the institution. All participants were informed about the study’s aims and assured that their participation was voluntary and confidential. The semi-structured interviews, which served as the primary data source, were conducted on Tencent Meeting, a widely used online meeting platform that is convenient for scheduling interviews. Each interview lasted between 40 and 60 minutes and was conducted in Chinese (i.e., interviewees’ mother tongue) in a relaxed style to encourage open and honest dialogue. All interviews were audio-recorded with participants’ consent. The recordings were initially transcribed automatically using Tencent Meeting’s speech recognition tool, after which the authors meticulously reviewed the transcriptions to ensure accuracy.

The data analysis followed Braun and Clarke’s (2012, p. 57) six-phase approach to thematic analysis, an ‘accessible’ method for identifying and analysing ‘patterns of meaning’ within qualitative data. In the first phase, the two authors familiarised themselves with the data by reading the verbatim transcripts thoroughly. General comments and highlights were made at this stage. In the second phase, initial codes were generated systematically. These codes represented key elements or ideas in the data that were relevant to the research questions (i.e., teachers’ identity and emotion regulation). Both authors worked independently to ensure a comprehensive coding process and later compared their codes to enhance reliability. After the coding process, potential themes were identified and named. The authors created detailed descriptions for each theme, outlining what each theme represented and how it related to the overall research questions.

English as a main subject versus its marginalized position

The first recurring theme indicated by participants is the marginalization of English teaching, which conflicts with their imagined identity as key teachers in a main subject. In the Chinese educational system, Chinese, Math and English are considered the three most important subjects, often referred to as ‘main subject’ or ‘zhuke’, since they carry the greatest weight in various exams. In contrast, minor subjects (fuke) such as Physical Education often receive less attention. Despite being classified as a main subject teacher, English is sometimes treated like a minor subject in practice. When asked to describe the challenges they face in everyday teaching as English teachers, the participant responded:

Excerpt 1

Zhao: The way English classes are scheduled makes it feel like we are treated as a minor subject. Most of our classes are scheduled at times that, in my opinion, aren’t very ideal — for instance, the last period in the morning or the first period in the afternoon. Pupils’ attention is often not very focused during these periods. At the same time, English has fewer class hours compared with Chinese and Math, which makes it more difficult to achieve the teaching objectives.

Obviously, Zhao’s experience highlights how school policies contribute to the marginalization of English teaching. The less favourable scheduling and reduced teaching hours are direct results of these policies, reinforcing the tension between their imagined identity as key subject teachers and the reality of their teaching environment. Meanwhile, another participant, Qian emphasizes the marginalization of English teachers’ professional development and the shortage of English teachers.

Excerpt 2

Qian: We are burdened with heavier teaching loads, leaving little time for professional training. The shortage of EFL teachers sometimes exacerbates the problem—if I attend training, there’s no one available to cover my classes.

Researcher: Do you mean that the institution tends to recruit fewer English teachers compared with other main subjects?

Qian: Yes, I really don’t know why! There is an evident shortage of English teachers, but the school won’t recruit more. Thus, we often teach more classes than Chinese and Math teachers.

In addition to the institutional factors, Qian also mentioned her surprise to parents and students’ indifferent attitudes towards English learning.

Excerpt 3

Qian: Students and parents clearly give English less attention. So, I often ask them ‘Isn’t English a main subject? You put lots of effort into Chinese and Math, but how much time do you spend on English? Since many parents themselves struggle with English, they often don’t monitor their children’s progress in the subject as closely.

Qian’s observations highlight a significant challenge in aligning her imagined identity as a main subject teacher with the reality of her daily interactions with students and parents. In particular, she realised that the level of collaboration and support she expected from her parents was often lacking. This disconnect not only reinforces the marginalization of English teaching but also introduces a new layer of identity tension: the conflict between an EFL teacher’s imagined role as a collaborator with parents and the reality of functioning as a solo educator.

A collaborator with parents versus a solo educator

As novice teachers who just entered the profession, participants in the study imagined that they would work closely with parents to support students’ English learning. Nevertheless, the experiences shared by the participants reveal a different reality, where parental involvement is often minimal.

Excerpt 4

Song: Parents might put some effort into children’s Chinese and Math as they can at least understand the ‘Chinese characters’ in the textbooks but when it comes to English, they don’t care at all! As a result, their children’s performance is very poor. I tried to support those children at school, but I eventually realised it wasn’t enough. It seemed like parents were working against my efforts.

As indicated by Song, the lack of involvement not only hampers students’ progress but also undermines the teacher’s efforts. The imagined identity of being a collaborator with parents, which is crucial for effective teaching, becomes difficult to realise. This identity tension is not unique to Song. It is a common experience among all participants who express disappointment with parents’ attitudes toward their children’s English learning. For instance, Li, Lin and Wang indicate that even if they are aware that not all parents would be deeply involved in children’s English learning, they still expect some support from parents. Lin mentioned a divorced mother who just ‘completely gave up’ her two children’s English learning due to busy schedules. ‘I advised her to at least have her children read English for five minutes every day — just five minutes following along with the tape recording, but she just wouldn’t do it.’ Interestingly, the findings from this study contrast with those of Nazari et al., (2023) who explored novice teachers’ identity construction in Iran. In that context, rather than experiencing a lack of parental involvement, Iranian EFL teachers were overwhelmed by excessive parental pressure. These teachers felt pressured to present a positive ‘image’ to parents, even when it did not reflect their true feelings. The identity tension in their cases arose from constantly having to mask their true thoughts in order to meet parental demands.

Despite the different forms, the tensions faced by Iranian and Chinese EFL teachers are quite alike as both scenarios highlight the critical role parents play in the educational process. Whether their involvement is lacking or overbearing, the reality deviates from the novice teachers’ initial expectations of working together with families to support students’ learning. These tensions force novice teachers to re-evaluate their roles and adjust their strategies for navigating relationships with parents.

A focused English teacher versus a constrained subordinate worker

One chronic issue faced by many Chinese teachers is the overburdened non-teaching responsibilities such as unnecessary meetings and administrative tasks (Yang et al., 2019, p. 7). As indicated by the State Council General Office of China (2019), due to ‘historical and structural’ reasons, teachers nowadays still have to tackle numerous non-teaching tasks, which greatly disrupts normal educational activities. As for the current study, the unexpected non-teaching tasks challenge participants’ envisioned identity as dedicated English teachers, transforming it into that of constrained subordinate workers. For example, Zhao described a situation where she was annoyed by the responsibility of reporting events on the school’s WeChat public account, a unique feature of WeChat app that is similar to the social media page or blog.

Excerpt 5

Zhao: In my first year of teaching, I was asked to run the school’s public WeChat account, which became a major source of stress. The requirements were unbelievably high! We had to ensure each article had perfectly matched images and even select background music for every post. I just couldn’t understand why it had to be so detailed. This task took a huge amount of my time and energy, pulling me away from my teaching responsibilities.

Similarly, another participant, Song reflected on several trivial tasks that she had not anticipated before becoming a teacher, including certain ‘duties’ she found disruptive and exhausting.

Excerpt 6

Song: To ensure student safety, teachers are required to stand in areas where children are likely to run and get hurt. At the same time, there exists a ‘canteen inspection’ duty for teachers that I find particularly frustrating. Once or twice a semester, teachers are assigned to inspect the food in the school canteen at 5:30 AM. I don’t understand why, as a teacher, I need to perform tasks like this. It feels unrelated to my role and adds unnecessary strain.

Both Zhao and Song’s experiences illustrate how non-teaching duties can suppress novice teachers’ autonomy and professional satisfaction. They create a sense of powerlessness, as these teachers feel unable to resist tasks imposed by administrative expectations, even when these tasks clash with their personal and professional values. Consequently, the image of an engaged and focused English teacher becomes overshadowed by the reality of being constrained by institutional structures and duties beyond their control.

In addition to the everyday trivia, novice teachers who serve as Banzhurens face even more significant challenges.

Excerpt 7

Wang: Before I enter the profession, I expected the job would be easy and fun as I really enjoyed teaching English. However, our school is just too ‘juan’ (involution) and the headmaster has high expectations of teachers as well. As a Banzhuren, I have to take care of so many things that go beyond the classroom. Sometimes I have to deal with students’ personal issues during my English classes, which disrupts the flow of my teaching.

Wang’s experience underscores the tension felt by many novice teachers in Banzhurens’ role. The term juan (also known as neijuan) is a new buzzword that refers to a ‘hypercompetitive social environment’ (Gu & Mao, 2023, p. 2). Such an environment obviously exacerbates the identity tension, especially when novice teachers are inexperienced in balancing their passion for teaching with the overwhelming administrative and emotional burdens of being Banzhurens. Under such circumstances, a rather supportive and less stressful school environment may help novice teachers to navigate this identity tension. Being a Banzhuren as well, Li indicated a different experience:

Excerpt 8

Li: I really enjoy my work. My school is located in a suburban area where there’s less competitiveness. Although my students generally have a weak academic foundation due to their underprivileged backgrounds, the headmaster and all my colleagues are very helpful. As both a Banzhuren and an English teacher, I learn a lot from them in terms of class management and teaching design.

Researcher: Are there many administrative or non-teaching tasks when being a Banzhuren?

Li: Of course, there are always some, but I can handle them. Actually, I feel a sense of accomplishment in this role when I successfully persuade students who are thinking of dropping out to return to class.

Li’s perspective offers a stark contrast to Wang’s experience, confirming the vital role of the school environment in resolving identity tension. These findings echo Li et al.’s (2023) study in which the ‘school culture’ can significantly moderate Banzhurens’ burnout and emotional exhaustion. In environments characterized by a ‘supportive clan’ or ‘adhocracy culture’, Banzhurens may feel more empowered and less emotionally exhausted.

Regulating emotions in navigating identity tensions

As shown in previous interviews, identity tensions are inevitably accompanied by certain emotional challenges such as frustration and depression. In the current study, response modulation, attentional deployment, cognitive reappraisal, and situation modification are used interchangeably by participants.

From reappraisal to situation modification

First, cognitive reappraisal serves as an effective strategy for dealing with the frustration caused by identity tension. For instance, when asked about her emotional experience in tackling parents’ neglect of students’ English learning, Song responded:

Excerpt 9

Song: Instead of getting frustrated, I try to tell myself that it is not entirely their (parents) fault. I tend to empathize with the parents and will think from their perspective. It’s not about blaming the parents but about finding ways to support the students.

Song’s answer highlights a vital aspect of cognitive reappraisal, which is ‘rationalisation’ (Hagenauer & Volet, 2014; Morris & King, 2018). By attributing the lack of parental support to external circumstances, Song rationalises this emotionally challenging situation and tries to focus on constructive solutions. Nevertheless, this strategy may not be an enduring solution as it does not directly change the underlying circumstances that result in the conflicts. This is where situation modification comes into play as a complementary strategy. In the late interview, Song describes how she ‘modifies’ the situation through a home visit.

Excerpt 10

Song: I patiently explain to parents about what they can do during the home visit. I try to move them with my sincerity and convince them with reason. Eventually, most parents empathize with my difficulties and understand their role in children’s English learning.

By modifying the original situation, Song creates an opportunity for parents to reconsider their roles and become more engaged in their children’s education. Similar situations are prevalent among other participants. Li, Qian and Lin all indicate that at the very beginning, they may not fully understand parents’ dilemmas as they would imagine every parent to be responsible. However, when reality makes them emotionally exhausted, they start to rethink their expectations of parents.

Song’s example illustrates a successful case where cognitive change ultimately reshapes the social context, alleviating frustration and identity tensions. Nevertheless, not all participants can achieve this. Wang, for instance, describes an alternative way of dealing with similar situations.

Excerpt 11

Wang: Initially, I felt extremely frustrated when parents are apathetic toward their children’s English learning. However, as time goes by, I get used to it and no longer feel as frustrated or annoyed. I adjusted my mindset, realizing that not all parents could be responsible for their children’s education. All you can do is just to help the child at school as much as possible.

Wang’s experience reveals a different approach to cognitive reappraisal and situation modification. Initially employing cognitive reappraisal, she ultimately accepts parental apathy as a constant. This emotional adjustment leads her to modify the situation in a more passive manner, focusing on supporting students in the classroom without seeking parental involvement. Under such circumstances, Wang’s imagined identity transforms into a practiced one where teachers are the sole educators. In contrast, Song utilizes cognitive reappraisal to empathize with parents and modify the situation through home visits. By doing this, she maintains her imagined identity as a collaborator, reinforcing the role of a proactive EFL teacher.

Response modulation and attentional deployment

Response modulation and attentional deployment serve distinct but interrelated roles in how teachers navigate emotional challenges in the face of identity tensions. The former involves more immediate actions to manage emotions while the latter focuses on the strategic allocation of attention to regulate emotional experiences over time. When asked about her emotional trajectory in dealing with the excessive non-teaching tasks, Zhao responded:

Excerpt 12

Zhao: I feel irritable, depressed and frustrated but there is nothing you can do. So, I just finish those tasks as soon as possible. I try not to think of them too much during my teaching activities. Once I don’t think about them, I start to feel much better.

Zhao’s descriptions imply that she initially suppresses negative emotions to complete the tasks. This expressive suppression strategy allows her to maintain her professional responsibilities. Over time, Zhao employs attentional deployment, consciously shifting her attention away from the annoying tasks. Her dynamic emotional trajectory reflects a complex process of navigating identity tensions. The initial reliance on expressive suppression shows the immediate pressures she faces, allowing her to push through tasks without fully confronting her negative emotions. In contrast, the use of attentional deployment signifies a conscious effort to reconnect with her imagined identity as a focused English teacher. This strategic redirection not only helps alleviate her emotional burden but also serves as a vital step in reconciling the conflicting aspects of her identity. Such a tactic is not limited to Zhao’s experiences but applies to many participants in the current study. For instance, Lin and Wang feel outraged in the face of identity tensions when they must use a great deal of time in their English class to tackle students’ issues. Instead of expressing this anger, they instinctively suppress their feelings, believing it is inappropriate to reveal negative feelings in front of their students. This suppression, much like Zhao’s allows two participants to fulfil their tasks even under the impact of identity tensions. As they continue to navigate these challenges, Lin and Wang begin to adopt similar strategies of attentional deployment, finding ways to redirect their focus toward the positive aspects of their teaching. Both participants indicate that they often think about positive things such as holiday plans and their students’ progress.

In addition to suppression, EFL teachers may also directly ‘vent’ their emotions rather than suppress them, especially at the very beginning of the teaching journey when identity tensions can be overwhelming. Qian described her early teaching experiences as emotionally exhausting when the reality starkly contrasted with her envisioned identity.

Excerpt 13

Qian: When I started teaching, I was not very good at controlling my emotions. There were times when I had outbursts in the classroom and the office due to the overwhelming non-teaching tasks. I feel quite guilty about it because teachers shouldn’t lose their temper in front of the whole class. Fortunately, my students and colleagues are very considerate and supportive.

Qian’s experience aligns with Morris and King’s (2018) study, which found that Japanese EFL teachers also feel guilty as they vent their emotions to temporarily relieve frustration. This cycle of emotion-venting followed by guilt suggests an interesting relationship between teachers’ identity and emotion regulation strategies. While venting helps teachers tackle their frustration, it results in a new and different identity tension when emotional outbursts conflict with teachers’ internalized ideals of professionalism. As a result, guilt emerges as a new emotional challenge that needs to be dealt with. In Qian’s later interviews, support from students and colleagues plays a crucial role in alleviating both frustration and guilt, particularly when venting is used as a strategy. This situation is akin to Gkonou and Miller’s (2023, p. 8) study in which EFL teachers’ emotion regulation is ‘relationally performed and undertaken’ rather than an individual process.

This study sheds light on the complex identity tensions and emotional challenges faced by Chinese novice EFL teachers in primary and secondary schools. By thematically analysing the data obtained from the semi-structured interviews, it is found that identity tensions often arise from institutional policies, sociocultural norms, and professional expectations. The institution’s intentional marginalization of English teaching first conflicts with novice EFL teachers’ imagined identities as key subject educators. At the same time, this marginalization will result in the lack of parental involvement, which mismatches teachers’ envisioned role as a collaborator with parents. Last, the overburdened non-teaching tasks and Banzhurens’ duties force participants to become subordinate workers rather than focused English teachers.

Additionally, the study highlights the critical role of emotion regulation strategies that novice EFL teachers employ to manage their emotional responses to identity tensions. With Gross’s framework, four interrelated strategies are identified. First, cognitive reappraisal is closely linked to situation modification. Novice EFL teachers may adjust their perceptions of emotion triggers and then modify the situation accordingly although some may fail to do it. Second, response modulation strategies such as expressive suppression and venting are used to tackle the immediate emotional challenges while attentional deployment is employed to deal with the negative emotions in the long term.

Overall, this research offers valuable insights into the emotional dimensions of EFL teachers’ professional identity formation. It shows that the ability to regulate emotions enables EFL teachers to reconcile their imagined and practiced identities, although the process might be complex, dynamic, and shaped by both personal agency and external factors.

Ethics approval and consent to participate

A statement on ethics approval was obtained from the School of Foreign Languages and Cultures, Nanjing Normal University Taizhou College. All participants were informed about the study’s aims and assured that their participation was voluntary and confidential. All interviews were audio-recorded with participants’ consent.

Consent for publication

Submission of this manuscript to Asian-Pacific Journal of Second and Foreign Language Education has been approved by all authors.

Availability of data and materials

The dataset used and/analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.

Funding

No funding was received for this research

Author contributions

All the authors contributed to writing the main manuscript text and all of them reviewed the manuscript.

Acknowledgements

We would like to extend our heartfelt appreciation to all the participants who took part in the interviews.

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No competing interests reported.

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Identity Tension and Emotion Regulation: A case study of Chinese novice EFL teachers

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