The findings of this study revealed that depression is an exceedingly prevalent high risk factor for HIV/AIDS in Kigali, Rwanda. Just over 86.25% of the participants reported depression. We found that most IDUs have moderate to severe symptoms of depression. A 2015 study by Li et al. in China confirmed our results, showing that IDU is closely associated with depression and other mental health problems. Depression disorders are mostly associated with any type of addiction. Many people inject drugs because they are depressed, and others report that the experience of injecting drugs makes them depressed (Hamzeh et al., 2018; Jia et al., 2018; Lemstra et al., 2011; Levintow et al., 2018). The high number of people with symptoms of depression in Rwanda is not a new phenomenon. The postgenocide period in Rwanda was characterized by a high prevalence of depression in the Rwanda community. Recent studies have shown that poor mental health has doubled in Rwanda and that depression has been found to be high in all demographics (Ng & Harerimana, 2016, Kayiteshonga et al., 2022). Nevertheless, the rates of 94% of IDUs presenting with depressive symptoms and 82.3% of those in the other groups at risk for HIV/AIDS far exceed the noted rates of depression of 35% in individuals who are genocide survivors and 20% in the general population (Kayiteshonga, 2022).
Our study revealed that participants' age and sexual orientation are factors associated with IDU. For example, being a younger participant and a sexual minority, especially an MSM or FSW, was associated with increased odds of being an IDU. Regarding mental health, our results showed that participants with depressive symptoms were more likely to be IDUs than their counterparts were. This was because the coexistence of depression and limited access to mental health resources in rural settings often creates a scenario where individuals might resort to substances, including injection drugs, as a way to self-medicate or cope with their mental health challenges. Moreover, the illegality of IDU discourages those who may have initiated the behavior as a result of depression (self-medication) to even attempt to seek assistance for their underlying depression. This interplay between depression and the scarcity of mental health support in Rwanda can significantly heighten the vulnerability of individuals to engaging in injecting drug use as a means of coping. These findings are relevant to previous studies (Cody et al., 2021).
Additionally, while this was a cross-sectional study and we cannot ensure which behavior came first, it is most often assumed that persons using other drugs graduate to injection drug use over time. Thus, it is not surprising that behaviors such as alcohol use, especially marijuana use, were more likely to be IDU than their counterparts were. These findings align with those of an earlier study conducted in China that focused on female IDUs who also engaged in sex work (IDUFSW). Those studies highlighted that these women faced a greater likelihood of experiencing thoughts of suicide, engaging in risky behaviors, and being involved in alcohol and substance use (Lau et al., 2018; Lemstra et al., 2011). The customers of the sex workers provided them with drugs and frequently shared injecting equipment. Corroborating these findings, a survey conducted in the Saskatoon Health Region (SHR) in Canada, as outlined by Gu et al. (2014), revealed that the initiation of substance use often commences in childhood and is influenced by networks of injecting users, including friends and schoolmates. Notably, the Rwandan population is characterized by a predominantly young demographic, with up to 65% of individuals, even from our current study, under 25. These results underscore the prevalence of substance use initiation during younger years among a significant majority, although this particular aspect was not explicitly explored in our research.
A recent study conducted on practice and HIV/AIDS among IDUs revealed that 99% of people who inject drugs (PWID) primarily used heroin, with 91% having shared needles in their lifetime and 31% in the past six months. The prevalence of HIV was 9.5%, with needle sharing and risky behaviors such as reusing needles and sharing drug paraphernalia significantly increasing the risk, particularly among females in Rwanda (Rwema et al., 2022).
We also found that having depression symptoms, alcohol, and substance dependence disorders, and having sought substance abuse treatment in the past, are significantly correlated risk factors for injection drug use, suggesting that the IDU is an excellent predictor of non-IDU risk patterns. These outcomes endorse previous studies conducted on fisher-folk in China and other groups in Vietnam, Tanzania, and Kenya, which showed that adolescents of both sexes and sexual minorities (female sex workers and males who have sex with males) are more likely to become injection drug users (Lau et al., 2018; Lemstra et al., 2011; Li et al., 2015). A recent study on injecting drug use in Rwanda, as documented by Rwema et al. (2022), established a correlation between injecting drug use and HIV/AIDS. However, the investigation did not delve into the examination of how depression symptoms are linked to individuals involved in intravenous drug use. Our findings affirm that a considerable portion of Rwandan youth who engage in drug injection present with a high prevalence of depression symptoms. Such behavior may serve as a coping mechanism, potentially utilized as a means to escape or alleviate the effects of a person’s depressive mood.
While substance use was high overall, our results confirmed that the people who were injected with drugs in our sample were more likely to be drug dependent than alcohol dependent. Nevertheless, both drug and alcohol dependence are risk factors for injecting drug use. Drug use tends to be progressive, from alcohol drinkers or non-IDUs graduating to injection drug use over time. IDUs use other types of drugs in different ways, including sniffing (cocaine) and chewing (marijuana), rather than drinking alcohol (Bouscaillou et al., 2016; Jia et al., 2018).
Finally, in our study, 5% of the participants were HIV/AIDS positive. These results prove that our sample, which was recruited because it included individuals at greater risk for HIV/AIDS, was indeed at higher risk of HIV/AIDS than the 3% among adults from 15–49 years of age in the total Rwandan population (Nsanzimana et al.,2022). However, the somewhat unexpected finding that the HIV/AIDS prevalence in IDUs was lower (2.6%) than that in the other risk groups in the study (5.7%) is somewhat reassuring and suggests that with intervention and tailored programs, including mental health programs and drug treatment, their progression to being HIV/AIDS positive could still be averted, which makes sense since this group is overall younger and most likely has less lifetime risk exposure than the other groups.
Two previous studies of HIV-positive individuals who were injected with drugs reported that the prevalence of depression is high in this group, ranging from 42–44% (Levintow et al., 2018; Noroozi et al., 2016), which we have exceeded. Both studies revealed that depression is a factor of IDU among HIV-positive individuals (Levintow et al., 2018; Noroozi et al., 2016). Depression symptoms and mental health disorders are not new to illicit drug users; however, the types of substances used can affect the severity of symptoms. The preceding example is based on research conducted in Mwanza, Tanzania, which revealed that heroin users are more likely to engage in unprotected sex, thus becoming exposed to HIV/AIDS and other blood-borne diseases, which can lead to depression (Tan et al., 2015).
Our findings contradict the prevailing literature, indicating that family background is not statistically correlated with injecting drug use. This contradicts European research findings where more than half of frequent domestic conflicts were associated with a history of substance use in the family and three-fourths had peers engaged in IDU. (Williams et al., 2017). The absence of such associations in our results can be attributed to the relatively underexplored nature of IDU, which represents a rapidly evolving trend in African countries, including Rwanda. Unlike other forms of substance consumption, IDU is a new phenomenon, and familial influences on this specific method of drug intake are not yet well understood.
In contrast to established patterns in other forms of substance use, family members in Rwanda significantly influence their offspring in matters related to drug consumption (Kanyoni et al.2014). Substance use in a family member may affect a child through mechanisms such as an increased genetic predisposition or negative role modeling, heightening a child's susceptibility to substance use (Kuppens et al, 2020)In Rwandan culture, as in many other societies, children tend to emulate the behaviors and activities demonstrated by their parents, and the consumption of drugs, including drinking and smoking, can reflect a familial culture of substance use.
Strengths and limitations
This study has crucial strengths, as it is the first-ever investigation into the influence of mental health on injecting drug use (IDU) in Kigali, Rwanda. Notably, this study revealed a substantial prevalence of depression among those at risk of HIV/AIDS, highlighting a significant association between moderate to severe depression and IDU. Additionally, it effectively identifies vulnerable populations, such as younger individuals and sexual minorities, shedding light on their increased likelihood of engaging in IDU. The study's focus on behavioral influences, particularly alcohol and substance use, extends our understanding of these factors in relation to IDU patterns. Furthermore, these findings carry substantial implications for tailored interventions and public health strategies, emphasizing the urgent need for expanded mental health services, especially among vulnerable groups. These insights pave the way for targeted interventions to mitigate the risks associated with IDU and enhance mental health outcomes in Rwanda and analogous contexts within Sub-Saharan Africa."
Despite the strengths of this study, we acknowledge several limitations. First, owing to the cross-sectional study design, we were unable to determine a causal relationship between various types of drug and alcohol exposure and IDU. Did depression lead to drug use and then escalate to the IDU? Clearly, further studies using a longitudinal study design are essential for allowing us to assess the progression of risk factors, including depression, among IDUs. Second, the sample size was somewhat limited, as it was derived through nonrandom, snowball sampling because the study population is hard to reach because of the hidden and illegal nature of the behavior. This could result in an overestimation or underestimation of our results, which prevents us from generalizing. Future studies should employ larger sample sizes and some type of more systematic recruitment, as randomization is clearly never possible.
Moreover, as we decided to limit the line of questioning, to keep the survey brief and optimize responses, the exploration of most likely crucial sociocultural and belief-related factors could not be performed, and of course, the use of self-reported measures introduces potential recall bias, impacting data reliability. Therefore, at the very least, mixed methods could be important for exploring all possible factors of IDUs. This could then be followed by a longer survey aligned with the contextual findings.
Finally, in the process of gathering data on alcohol and substance use, we utilized the MINI, which employs DSM-IV criteria. However, certain criteria were modified and consolidated in the updated DSM-V version, potentially leading to misunderstandings in data concerning alcohol and substance dependence. These acknowledged limitations highlight the need for further research employing various methodologies to capture the complex interplay of IDU factors comprehensively.
Public health implications
The study outcomes highlight the staggering prevalence of depression among our sample of individuals at high risk of HIV/AIDS in Kigali, Rwanda, with more than 86.25% of participants exhibiting symptoms of depression. Moreover, depression was even more common among IDUs (94%). An intricate relationship between injecting drug use (IDU) and moderate to severe depressive symptoms is established, which aligns with previous global research findings that closely link depression disorders with alcohol and substance use disorders. These findings emphasize the critical need for tailored interventions addressing depression symptoms, especially among vulnerable populations such as sexual minorities (MSMs and FSWs) and individuals engaging in substance abuse, particularly hard alcohol and marijuana users. The finding that family background does not exhibit a statistical association with IDU contradicts established patterns in other substance use forms, indicating the evolving nature of injecting drug use in Rwanda and the limited exploration of the familial influence of this specific drug intake method.
Future directions
Moving forward, addressing the mental health challenges posed by depression and substance dependence among youth engaging in intravenous drug use becomes important. It is essential to prioritize mental health services that address depression, alcohol, and substance abuse by seeking treatment together, especially considering that only a small fraction of Rwandans seek help for mental health concerns. Given the limitations of this study, future research directions should include mixed methods studies to further explore the context and progression of IDU, followed by larger powered longitudinal studies that allow the determination of causality. Moreover, our study focused on the urban environment of Kigali. We need to explore other geographical areas beyond Kigali to better understand whether IDU occurs mostly in urban environments or begins in rural seetings, with people then migrating to the urban environment with more access to drugs. Furthermore, larger-scale studies with varied populations would enhance the understanding and generalizability of the findings. The use of representative, comprehensive and frequent assessments of substance use, mental health, and health risk behaviors within Rwanda overall could further elucidate the complex interplay between depression, substance use, and health-risk behaviors among individuals engaged in intravenous drug use in Rwanda and neighboring Sub-Saharan African countries.