We identified ten papers describing the SRH of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. These included five quantitative, three qualitative, and two mixed-methods research designs, with all employing convenience sampling methods. Among the reviewed studies, three received weak ratings [20, 26, 27], six attained moderate–strong scores [18, 19, 21, 23-25], and only one was categorized as strong [22] (see Supplementary Table 1 for more details). Most of them (n=9) focused on FP and contraception [18-24, 26, 27], and four studies reported on HIV/STIs [18, 23, 25, 27]. We found no papers describing an evaluation of the efficacy of interventions, but they described participants’ reports of receiving ongoing interventions in the camps. Below, we describe the detailed findings concerning the SRH needs of Rohingya refugee women in Bangladesh, their barriers to accessing SRH services, and currently delivered interventions to address these needs.
SRH status and needs
Awareness about and use of family planning and contraceptive methods: The common themes in the papers published in this area were awareness, knowledge about, and practice of contraceptive methods. Chowdhury et al. (2018) reported that 86.3% of married Rohingya women know about FP methods [20]. However, Ainul et al. (2018) and Jannat et al. (2022), in their qualitative studies, reported limited knowledge about FP and contraception among these women [18, 23]. Similarly, Azad et al. (2022) reported that only 40% of Rohingya refugee women were aware of permanent contraceptive methods and SRH services [19]. Fewer than half of the interviewed women (48.9%) were aware of where to access SRH services [20]. Moreover, half of the participants lacked knowledge regarding the legal age of marriage, which is 18 years [19].
The published papers highlighted beliefs that were not in support of modern methods of family planning. The average reported family size was 3.96 [27]. A high average number of children was associated with a preference for boys. Azad et al. (2022) reported that 58% of participants believed that a couple should continue having children until they have a son [19].
With respect to contraceptive use by Rohingya women, the evidence varies. Khan et al. (2021) reported a contraceptive use prevalence of 50.9%, whereas Chowdhury et al. (2018) and Ainul et al. (2018) reported a lower prevalence of 34% [18, 20]. Jannat et al. (2022) also noted low contraceptive use in their qualitative study [23]. The most common and accepted methods of contraception were injections (particularly Depo-Provera) (67.3%) and oral contraceptive pills (29.9%) [24]. In contrast, men’s participation in FP and contraceptive use is rare [21], with only 2% of them using condoms as an FP method [19]. Contraception use among Rohingya women prior to the first pregnancy was infrequent, and the spacing periods were short [22]. Islam et al. (2021) reported that 80% of the participating women had recently given birth or were pregnant [22]. Interest in contraception also remains low among unmarried adolescent girls, with Saidu (2022) reporting that 62% were uninterested in contraception [26].
Access to contraception and SRH services appears inconsistent. A survey conducted by Zakaria et al. in 2022 reported that 79.8% of Rohingya women had consulted a healthcare provider about SRH, 68.4% had received door visits from health workers, and 58.3% were well informed about the benefits of contraception [27]. Similarly, Azad et al. (2022) reported that 79.8% of women had visited a health center or facility for SRH services, and 68.2% had discussed FP with a health worker [19]. In contrast, Khan et al. (2021) reported that 51.7% of women received no visits, and only 11% received frequent (once fortnightly) visits during the three months immediately preceding the survey [24]. Ainul et al. (2018), in their qualitative study, reported limited access to contraception and SRH services [18]. Despite these variations, both Zakaria et al. (2022) and Ainul et al. (2018) noted a common reluctance among Rohingya women to continue using contraception [18, 27].
Knowledge and awareness about HIV/STI and preventive practices: Knowledge and awareness of HIV/STIs among Rohingya refugee women remain limited, as highlighted by two surveys [25, 27] and two qualitative studies [18, 23]. Khan et al. (2021) reported that 70% of Rohingya women had inadequate knowledge of HIV transmission [25], a finding corroborated by Ainul et al. (2018), who highlighted prevalent misinformation about HIV transmission methods [18]. Similarly, Jannat et al. (2022) reported that they were unaware of STI transmission [23]. Khan et al. also revealed that knowledge of HIV transmission was 2.4 times greater among women who received formal education than among those who did not receive formal education. Additionally, the Rohingya refugee women in that study had also had a substantially lower knowledge of HIV than local women in Bangladesh as well as women in Myanmar [25]. This low level of knowledge about HIV transmission was in disagreement with the women’s belief that they should have knowledge about HIV and STIs before marriage. Specifically, Zakaria et al. reported that 81.7% of women who participated in a survey agreed that girls should be familiar with SRH and STIs before marrying [27]. Furthermore, Khan et al. reported that, compared with 60.3% of local women in Bangladesh and 67.3% of women in Myanmar, only 20% of Rohingya women believe that consistent condom use can prevent HIV infection [25]. Importantly, no studies have evaluated condom use for HIV and STI prevention among the Rohingya population.
Barriers to accessing SRH services
All the papers described the barriers experienced by Rohingya women in Bangladesh when accessing FP and SRH services. These barriers, categorized into cultural, religious, sociostructural, and health system-related challenges, significantly limit their access to FP and SRH services [18-27].
Cultural barriers, such as conservative religious beliefs, cultural taboos, preferences for sons, and early marriage practices, also play a significant role [18, 22, 23, 27]. Many Rohingya women believe that Islam prohibits contraception, a view reinforced by religious leaders who shape contraceptive practices [18, 22, 26, 27]. The use of contraception is often seen as a sin and immoral behavior, with 43% citing religious prohibition and 44.1% viewing FP as sinful [18-20]. Additionally, the belief that children are gifts from God further complicates the acceptance of modern contraceptive methods [23]. Moreover, cultural preferences for male offspring exacerbate the pressure on women to continue bearing children until a son is born, with 58% of women agreeing with this expectation [19]. This cultural preference leads to actively seeking pregnancy (46.0%) and a general desire for more children (15.6%), which hinders the use of contraceptive methods [19, 20].
Gender dynamics, traditional family norms, and male-dominated decision-making affect women’s use of contraception. A significant number of women prefer to seek their husband’s consent for family planning, with 45% feeling afraid to discuss FP with their husbands [19]. Husbands’ disapproval is a major barrier, with 51.9% of women in Azad et al. (2022) and 48.8% in Khan et al. (2021) reporting that they required their husband's approval to use contraception [19, 24]. In addition, 63.4% of women expressed reluctance to continue using contraception due to their husband’s disapproval [27]. Disagreement with partners (52%) [20] and the perception that contraception use is always the husband’s decision further exacerbates this issue [23].
Perceived stigma and misconceptions about contraception also affect the use of SRH services. Ainul et al. (2018) and Saidu (2022) highlighted that many refugees from Myanmar feared the side effects of contraceptives, with misconceptions about permanent sterility and other health risks leading to reluctance to use these methods [18, 26]. Similarly, misconceptions about condom use are prevalent, with both men and women being unfamiliar with their proper use [21]. Islam et al. (2022) discussed the contradiction of contraception as the responsibility of women while condom use is controlled by men [21]. This study also identified other significant barriers to condom use, including the stigma attached to its usage and the insecurities it provoked in marital relationships. For example, the use of condoms by men often evokes distrust, with women associating it with infidelity or relationships with “bad women,” further deterring its use. Additionally, the differential prioritization of other contraceptive methods over condoms by health workers also serves to restrict condom use and diminishes efforts to educate women about their contraceptive choices [21]. As a result, both men and women were unfamiliar with this method and used it rarely [21].
Rohingya women face significant sociostructural and logistical barriers, including restricted mobility within refugee camps, poor road infrastructure, overcrowded living conditions, and the location of camps in flood-prone hilly areas [18]. These physical limitations are compounded by negative perceptions of the Rohingya within the host community, which view them as economic and social threats due to disruptions in daily life, involvement in illegal activities, and alleged transactional sex [18]. These negative perceptions can create difficulties for refugees in accessing SRH services, with host community members reluctant to support or collaborate with Rohingya women to seek SRH services [18]. Additionally, the health system in refugee camps often overcrowded and understaffed facilities, which, coupled with long waiting times, severely limit the capacity of women to receive timely care [22]. These logistical issues, along with the inadequate supply of contraceptives and limited knowledge and literacy about SRH issues, contribute to the reluctance to use modern contraceptives [18, 21, 23, 25, 27].
Interventions, Programs, and Services Addressing SRH Needs
Eight studies described participants’ reports of receiving ongoing interventions, programs and/or services. Two papers highlighted the importance of the presence of health services in the camps [24, 25]. Two papers discussed outreach and peer involvement in service provision to increase the engagement and use of FP services [18, 22]. Health communication and information intervention to address the SRH needs of Rohingya refugees were described in three papers [19, 23, 27]. Prioritization of contraceptive methods other than condoms and their impact on the use of FP was reported by Islam et al. (2022) [21]. These services described in the papers were provided to Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh through collaborative efforts involving the Government of Bangladesh, UN agencies, and both national and international NGOs, coordinated under the SRH Working Group [1, 11, 28]. Key interventions focused on FP, contraceptive provision, education, and outreach align with the MISP to meet the needs of this vulnerable population [6, 7].
Efforts to improve SRH services in the camps emphasized the importance of community-based outreach programs. Effective outreach strategies, such as door-to-door visits by healthcare workers, provided FP counseling, distributed contraceptives, and educated women about SRH services [18, 19, 24]. For example, 74.5% of women reported receiving FP interventions at the camp, with access to FP information facilitated by nurses and healthcare providers [19]. Zakaria et al. (2022) reported that 68.4% of the study participants received door visits from healthcare workers [27]. In only 48.3% of visits, services included contraception and/or FP, and only 11% received recommended frequent home visits (once fortnightly) by healthcare workers [24]. Access to FP information was facilitated through nurses and healthcare providers, ensuring that healthcare services are available within the blocks where women reside [25]. The involvement of Rohingya volunteers played a significant role in promoting contraceptive use and could help bridge gaps in access [19, 25].
Community engagement, including the participation of religious leaders and Rohingya men, has been highlighted as essential in overcoming cultural and religious barriers, dispelling misconceptions, and fostering trust between refugees and healthcare providers [22, 24]. The involvement of Rohingya men and volunteers in outreach efforts has also proven beneficial, particularly in promoting condom use and increasing awareness of contraceptive methods [22]. Equitable promotion of various contraceptive methods and the active participation of volunteers in outreach services were found to enhance the effectiveness of these interventions [21, 22]. Training and deploying more community health workers with a focus on SRH education and services could help bridge the gap in access to contraceptives and SRH information [21, 23].
Jannat et al. (2022) emphasized the importance of training and awareness initiatives that equip women with the knowledge and tools to manage their own SRH needs [23]. The creation of "women-friendly spaces" and "adolescent-friendly spaces" ensures safe environments where women and girls could access SRH services, engage in discussions, and receive support tailored to their unique needs [23].
Health communication interventions (HCIs), as highlighted by Zakaria et al. (2022), were identified as significant for improving SRH education among Rohingya women [27]. These interventions included clear and comprehensive SRH messages in the Rohingya language and interpersonal communication with healthcare providers. Expanding HCIs to address common misconceptions and increase awareness about contraception, HIV prevention, and STI management could significantly enhance SRH outcomes in camps [27].