Governments and health care systems around the world are facing the greatest public challenge since World War II due to the COVID-19. As SARS-CoV-2 has spread to every continent, resulting in billions of people going into quarantine and stay at home orders as health services fight to cope (Wltz 2020; WHO 2020).
According to the World Health Organization (2020), on June 9, 2020, Sweden had 4,694 deaths and 45,133 confirmed cases; worldwide, there were more than 7 million infections (WHO 2020). Sweden’s first case of COVID-19 was confirmed on February 3, 2020 (Wltz 2020). Subsequently, the Swedish government has not undertaken any major strategies to combat the COVID-19 outbreak in the country and instead employed a less restrictive policy than its neighbors and other countries worldwide; schools, restaurants, and shopping centers all remain open even though the World Health Organization has highlighted social distancing strategies as the main method for reducing the spread of the virus. Nevertheless, Sweden has not implemented any lockdowns and mostly relies on cautioning citizens and recommending protective measures, thus relying on Swedish citizens’ sense of social responsibility (Prime Minister's Office 2020). Thus, the Swedish government’s approach to addressing the outbreak has been very controversial, and some scientists argue that Sweden is adopting a policy similar to a herd immunity policy. While Swedish officials have denied that they are pursuing such a policy, the Swedish ambassador to the United States has said that “about 30 percent of people in Stockholm have reached a level of immunity” (Mai 2020).
In addition, an appeal signed by Carl-Henrik Heldin, Chairman of the Nobel Foundation, and 2,000 Swedish scholars on 28 March, urged the government of Sweden to “immediately take steps to comply with the World Health Organization’s recommendations”. Although the government has denied implementing herd immunity strategies, the petition argues that Sweden’s reaction to the COVID-19 outbreak is indeed a herd immunity policy while stating that “Creating herd immunity, in the same way that occurs during an influenza epidemic, has low scientific support”. Other scholars have mentioned that “these measures must be in place as soon as possible, as is currently the case in our European neighboring countries” and “our country should not be an exception in the work to curb the pandemic” (Reynolds 2020). Therefore, regardless of whether Sweden’s government is attempting to implement a herd immunity strategy, the adopted approach is very controversial as Sweden is among the few countries that have not implemented any major lockdown in contrast to most other countries worldwide (Meunier 2020).
In conclusion, the COVID-19 pandemic is profoundly dependent on how the public reacts to such an outbreak and how the government responds to limit the hazard. Hence, empirical evidence from the field regarding how satisfied Swedish people are with the actions executed by the government and how such satisfaction shapes their risk perception and self-efficacy, which is important for understanding how the strategies used shape citizens’ behavior, is lacking (Feldman 2020). Therefore, this study aims to explore the Swedish people’s level of satisfaction with the policy measures implemented in Sweden, the effect of such satisfaction on their risk perception and self-efficacy, and how Sweden’s strategies shaped individual behavior during the pandemic. More precisely, this study observes the direct effect of trust in the government and risk perception on self-efficacy and explores whether satisfaction with government measures augments the positive effect of trust in the government and risk perception on self-efficacy. Figure 1 shows the proposed research model.
Theoretical Background
Risk Perception and Self-Efficacy
Risk perception refers to a person's perception toward a health incident (e.g., diseases) to occur (Slovic 2000; El-Toukhy 2015). Risk perception depends on the following two factors: the first factor is severity, which refers to the person's perception of the ferocity of a certain disease (Rimal and Real, 2003), and the second factor is susceptibility, which reflects a person’s perception of the possibility of being infected with a disease (El-Toukhy 2015; Choi, Yoo, Noh, and Park, 2017).
People tend to perceive risk particularly strongly when a public health hazard occurs (Pask and Rawlins, 2016), such as during the H1N1 flu and MERS outbreaks, as the emergence of an infectious virus leads the public to immediately assess the disease risks (Oh, Eom, and Rao 2015; B. Reynolds and Seeger, 2005). Thus, examining how the community perceives risk related to a public health hazard can help in the management of public behavior to avoid more infections and promote preventive measures. It is vital to examine how risk perception is affecting the formation of self-efficacy beliefs throughout a public emergency (Choi et al. 2017). Therefore, the combination of the extended parallel process model and the protection motivation theory assist in the conceptualization of risk perception in this study, hence, risk perception is explained in relation to perceived severity and susceptibility, which together constitute peoples’ risk perception. Additionally, some theories suggest that risk perception is the primary reason driving people to adopt preventive measures and promote protective behaviors (self-efficacy) during a health crisis (Rogers 1983; Witte 1992); hence, the conceptualization of risk perception must consider the importance of self-efficacy as a high level of perceived risk is necessary for the adoption of recommended health behaviors (self-efficacy). People’s risk perception is a key element motivating their self-efficacy to change their health behavior (Rimal and Real, 2003).
Furthermore, self-efficacy is a person’s belief in their capability to manage difficulties during a public health crisis (Bandura 1997). Self-efficacy plays a vital role in encouraging individuals’ motivation to manage personal difficulty during a crisis (Bandura, 1990). A prominent definition of this construct by Bandura 1990 (p. 28) describes perceived self-efficacy as “the capacity to exercise self-influence by personal challenge through goal setting and evaluative reaction to one’s performances”. Furthermore, as per the social cognitive theory (Bandura 1997), self-efficacy is considered as a form of “personal control” over one's behavior, resulting in a change in health behavior during a health crisis. The social cognitive theory further argues that the adaptation of health behavior and avoidance of impairing behaviors during a public health crisis is difficult as most individuals find it difficult to change their behavior; however, this difficulty depends on the effect of individuals’ perceived risk of a hazard. Therefore, risk perception shapes peoples’ beliefs regarding their cognitive ability to adapt to or refrain from certain behaviors during a crisis (Bandura and Watts, 1996; Slovic 2000). Risk perception and self-efficacy play a critical role during a public health hazard as they promote the adaptation of health behaviors among the public and help maintain such a change during a crisis (Bandura and Watts, 1996). Risk perception shapes personal self-efficacy; however, risk perception differs in its effect on how people feel and act. Regarding behavior, self-efficacy can enhance individuals’ eagerness to act like those with high self-efficacy are likely to achieve better during a challenging task because they establish higher goals and are committed toward achieving such goals (Locke and Latham, 1990). Hence, self-efficacy behaviors during a public health crisis lead to enhanced personal motivation, which could lead to changes in behavior and perception (Dorsey, Miller, and Scherer, 1999).
Regarding feelings, individuals with low self-efficacy experience helplessness during a crisis depending on how they perceive the risk of a crisis and their ability to control their behavior (Schwarzer and Fuchs 1996). This phenomenon has been examined by scholars who have highlighted the relationship between risk perception and self-efficiency, demonstrating that public risk perception shapes their self-efficacy throughout public health emergencies (Coleman and Iso-Ahola 1993; Han, Zhang, Chu, and Shen, 2014). Studies also highlight that people’s self-efficacy beliefs promote confidence in their ability to control their behavior during a crisis; hence, risk perception shapes these beliefs and is a major predictor of self-efficacy (Han et al. 2014). However, the relationship between risk perception and self-efficacy highly depends on various factors. This study proposes that this relationship is affected by people’s trust in the government and satisfaction with its measures during a pandemic. Hence, the model proposed in this study further examines the factors shaping people's risk perception and self-efficiency during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Trust in the Government and Self-Efficacy
Different countries have reacted in different ways to the epidemic. This study aims to investigate the social and psychological factors that will shape the current pandemic. A social sciences standpoint will aid the understanding of the mortality during the COVID-19 pandemic. However, social aspects, which should always be examined in their ecological setting, are imperative in epidemics (Morse 1996). For instance, the spread of a virus is impacted by public social activity. European nations significantly diverge in their population density, and variances also occur in the social interaction individuals have on a day-to-day basis (Sorokowska et al. 2017). Hence, this will result in a key cultural variance in the physical distance persons keep while interacting with other individuals (Latané, Liu, Nowak, Bonevento, and Zheng 1995). For example, countries located in southern Europe traditionally been considered to be a contact culture, while cultures in northern Europe and Asia are highlighted as a noncontact. During a pandemic, the spread of diseases is deeply dependent on the physical and social closeness of people (Remland, Jones, and Brinkman 1995; Sorokowska et al. 2017).
Another central social aspect is trust in government. As it a vital factor for the safety of societies and the overall functioning of a country (Newton 2001; Uslaner 2002). In particular, trust in government institutions is a central part of management and prevention during a public health crisis since trust in public organizations, such as health care systems, shapes the public interaction with public institution and following preventive measures (Rowe and Calnan 2006). Thus, trust in government plays a critical role during a public emergency (Dinesen and Jæger 2013; Norris, Stevens, Pfefferbaum, Wyche, and Pfefferbaum 2008). Investigation in previous epidemics has highlighted that individuals who demonstrate a low level of trust in the government were less likely to adopt preventive measures during the Ebola virus outbreak in 2014 (Blair, Morse, and Tsai 2017; Vinck, Pham, Bindu, Bedford, and Nilles 2019). This phenomenon was also noted in Hong Kong during the SARS outbreak (Tang and Wong 2005). Similarly, during the H1N1 virus epidemic in the United Kingdom, greater trust in authorities was associated with engaging in preventive behaviors (James Rubin, Amlôt, Page, and Wessely 2009).
Several previous studies have substantiated the difference in trust in government around the world, rendering consideration of the societal element of trust essential (Marien and Werner 2019; Sønderskov and Dinesen 2016). Compared to other countries, Nordic countries (e.g., Finland, Denmark, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden) trust in public organizations is characteristically higher according to different international welfare statistics (Marozzi 2015). On the other hand, in Italy and other southern European countries, trust in government institutions is low (Hudson 2006; OECD 2020). The determinants of trust in government differ across Europe. In East-Central Europe, senior citizens have been found to demonstrate high level of trust, while trust in government establishments is lower among educated individuals (Boda and Medve-Balint 2014). In southern European countries, such as Spain and Italy, people's attitudes toward government and trust in these public institutions are extremely entrenched in “cultural legacy” (Cole and Cohn, 2016). The combination of lack of trust in government and physical-social closeness might become fatal in Europe. Therefore, based on the aforementioned arguments, trust in authority is important. The Swedish government has implemented measures that differ from those implemented in other countries during the current pandemic, and the success of these measures is associated to the degree of trust between the public and authorities, which is likely to helps build individual confidence and self-efficacy among individuals to avoid risk during the pandemic (Ter Huurne and Gutteling 2009; Thaker, Howe, Leiserowitz, and Maibach 2019).
Contingent Role of Satisfaction with Swedish Government Measures
During the COVID-19 outbreak, common strategies adopted by most affected countries included lockdowns and stay-at-home orders as measures to keep citizens separated and break the chain of transmission. However, Sweden adopted a very different method to combat the COVID-19 outbreak, and primary schools, restaurants, bars, gyms, and public parks have remained open. However, companies are encouraged to allow their employees to work from home at their discretion.
Anders Tegnell, a top chief epidemiologist, advocated for such strategies and refused to implement WHO guidelines regarding lockdowns and quarantines. Deputy prime minister Isabella Lövin defended this strategy and noted that Sweden considers the COVID-19 pandemic a “marathon, and not a sprint” and that citizens in countries that implement strict measures eventually do not obey these measures (Anderson 2020). Thus, Sweden’s measures addressing COVID-19 are based on the critical element of citizen responsibility, while the government highlights the necessary actions, such as social distancing with elderly individuals, and provides full autonomy to its citizens (Rolander 2020). In particular, the Swedish prime minister recently said that “our government agencies and our health care system are doing everything they can. However, every person in Sweden needs to take individual responsibility. If everyone takes responsibility, we can keep the spread of the virus in check. Follow the authorities’ advice: if you have even the slightest symptoms, do not go to work and refrain from meeting other people” (Prime Minister's Office 2020).
However, based on the number of deaths and infections linked to COVID-19, Sweden has high infection and death rates, especially in senior homes. The Swedish health care system has not been burdened with a large number of hospitalized patients as Sweden has a large ICU capacity (Anderson 2020). In addition, the success or failure of Sweden’s response to the COVID-19 outbreak will be unclear for many months, but the main determinant of the success of such a policy could be whether Sweden can achieve natural herd immunity, however, the success of any policy in Sweden is fundamentally dependent on the public satisfaction with unique measures employed by the government.
What is Natural Herd Immunity
COVID-19 is triggered by a new zoonotic coronavirus that emerged in China in 2019 (Zhu et al. 2020). Meanwhile, the COVID-19 pandemic has affected more than 202 countries worldwide and resulted in more than 3 million infections. SARS-CoV-2 is extremely infectious and can be spread via droplets. Different nations have pursued diverse strategies to combat the spread of infections, and the most popular policy used is social distancing; however, Sweden, have implemented different policies, the results of these measures will likely promote reaching herd immunity (Reynolds 2020).
Herd immunity is a well-known concept in the field of epidemiology and has previously been a successful strategy. Before the development of vaccines, herd immunity was the only line of defense against infections. Nevertheless, there are numerous definitions of this concept. Based on the literature, natural herd immunity is understood as immunity that naturally occurs when people become immune to disease after being infected. The natural immune system response is triggered when the human body starts to produce antibodies against the virus that cause the infection. The antibodies act as a safeguard against any future infection from specific diseases, and if a person who develops these antibodies after the infection encounters the same virus, the antibody will protect that person from reinfection (Anderson and May 1985; Fine 1993).
The most recognized descriptions of herd immunity was provided by Fox (1983 p. 463), who defines this concept as “the resistance of a group to attack by a disease to which a large proportion of the members are immune, thus lessening the likelihood of a patient with a disease coming into contact with a susceptible individual”; Fox further added that the theory of herd immunity holds that the individual transmission chain of infectious diseases is likely to break when most of the population is immune, and thus, the higher the number of people immune to the disease, the lower the number of people who become infected. Additionally, Metcalf, Ferrari, Graham, and Grenfell (2015 p. 753) highlighted herd immunity as a “population-scale immunity,” indicating that for herd immunity to be effective, approximately 70% of the population must have immunity through either vaccination or naturally acquired immunity(d’souza and dowdy 2020). Herd immunity is successful when immune people break the chain of infection by being unable to transmit the disease as this likely slows or stops the spread of the virus. As there is no vaccine available for COVID 19, this study focuses on naturally acquired immunity, which is called natural herd immunity. In contrast, vaccine immunity occurs when most of the population has gained immunity through the use of a vaccine for a certain disease as in the case of smallpox. Through the use of vaccines (John and Samuel 2000), many people developed immunity against the virus, and as of 1980 (Fenner, Henderson, Arita, Jezek, and Ladnyi 1988), smallpox was declared eradicated. Herd immunity has the ability if achieved, to the elimination of specific diseases (Williams 2006).
The SARS-CoV-2 virus is similar to other coronaviruses, specifically in terms of their genetic code, and researchers argue that individuals who become infected with the virus can develop immunity for months and possibly years (d’souza and dowdy 2020). While the Swedish government has declared that its approach to combating COVID-19 is not a herd immunity approach, most news outlets and researchers claim that Sweden’s approach is similar to the natural herd immunity strategy. Swedish government representatives have noted that even though Sweden is not adopting an explicit herd immunity strategy, the principle of the herd immunity approach is “in there in the mix” (Brueck 2020). Thus, according to a recent study, for the “herd immunity” approach to be successful in Sweden, 70.9% of the population must be immune to the virus (Kwok, Lai, Wei, Wong, and Tang 2020).
On April 24, twenty-two Swedish doctors and researchers criticized the government’s strategy and argued that the approach is doomed to fail and must be changed immediately; they highlighted the need for social distancing measures to be strictly enforced by the government (Nikel 2020; Nyheter 2020). Hence, in this study, we examine how satisfied Swedish people are with the current measures implemented by the government and how such satisfaction shapes people’s risk perception and self-efficacy throughout the pandemic.
Based on the overall literature, we hypothesize that trust in the government has a positive influence on individual self-efficacy (H1) and that individuals who experience high risk perception this will positively impact their self-efficacy (H2). Importantly, we predict that the positive relationship between trust in the government and individual self-efficacy is strengthened as Swedish citizens display a higher level of satisfaction with the Swedish government’s measures (H3a). Similarly, H3b asserts that the positive association between risk perception and individual self-efficacy increases as Swedish citizens show higher levels of satisfaction with the Swedish government’s measures as indicated in Figure 1. Therefore, the following hypotheses are suggested in this study:
- Hypothesis 1. Trust in the government is significantly associated with self-efficacy.
- Hypothesis 2. Risk perception is significantly associated with self-efficacy.
- Hypothesis 3a. Satisfaction with government measures moderates the relationship between trust in the government and individual self-efficacy in such a way that the relationship is stronger among individuals who are highly satisfied with government measures than among individuals who are less satisfied with government measures.
- Hypothesis 3b. The relationship between risk perception and self-efficacy is moderated by the individual satisfaction with the government measures to combat COVID-19, in such a way that the relationship is stronger among individuals who are highly satisfied with government measures than among individuals who are less satisfied with government measures.