The 21 century has witnessed three major coronavirus epidemics thus far; with the third one, COVID-19, turning into a pandemic. A handful of national governments in countries, such as South Korea and Taiwan, used the “lessons learned” from the two previous epidemics to prepare for similar crisis. Many others, such as Iran and the United States did not bother to plan for these days. And there are many among citizens who are seriously questioning governments’ inaction. In this paper, we present the results of a research on how the speed of decision making at the national level, the countries’ health infrastructures and social structures have affected the mortality caused by the latest pandemic in a case study of 6 countries.
The first infectious disease of the 21st century was the Sever Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS). It turned into an epidemic in 2002. Its consequences included social and economic disruptions. International trade and tourism were greatly affected, streets in many cities were deserted, and public health systems were crippled [86, 87]. Nonmedical public health interventions were employed to contain the epidemic. These included closing schools, forbidding mass gatherings, limiting international travel and screening travelers at borders, finding and isolating those who were infected, and quarantining the related ones by means of contact tracing. By 2003, SARS had spread to 29 countries, infected 8,098 people, and killed 774 of them [88].
The second deadly epidemic disease was the Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS); first reported in Saudi Arabia in 2012 [89]. As in SARS, the virus transmitted among people through close contact, affecting the respiratory system. The common symptoms included severe shortness of breath, fever, and cough. The failure of the Saudi Arabian government’s rapid response increased the number of infected patients over time. As of March 2020, 2,521 MERS cases were confirmed globally with 866 deaths due to the illness, mainly in Saudi Arabia.
On January 7, 2020, Chinese authorities confirmed that they had identified a novel coronavirus as the cause of the pneumonia [2] [3]. On March 11, 2020 the World Health Organization (WHO) declared the outbreak of the coronavirus a pandemic, which it defines as "global spread of a new disease". WHO chose the COVID-19 for the name of the disease. At the time of this writing, the virus has spread rapidly around the world, affecting more than 202 countries and territories, infecting over three million and killing more than 240,000 people.
The past 4 months have shown differences between decision time and clock time [1]. The virus has created severe threat for public health and global and local economies [5]. COVID-19 is transmitted from human-to-human; and therefore, authorities in national governments have employed nonmedical public health interventions as in SARS and MERS, mentioned above (for a list of current interventions refer to [6] and [7]).
WHO has also drafted a response plan and strategies for global actions and authorities are advised to take action in line with those strategies. In most countries, governments have implemented similar protocols. The results, however, are not the same in terms of mortality and number of infected citizens. Furthermore, in crisis planning, decision making and management, there is a need to decrease discomfort to citizens while increasing effectiveness of interventions since those affected and their families are not just numbers in statistics [8, 9, 10].
In this paper, we look at how the differences in speed of decision making in response to the spread of COVID-19 in different countries, along their level of IT and smart infrastructures, income levels, and healthcare infrastructures have thus far affected the rate of mortality in those countries.
Related work
Governments adopted a number of different approaches to cope with SARS and MERS, in 2002 and 2012 respectively. The past experiences from those outbreaks could have been used to prepare for the next one. Specifically, the world’s public health system was tested for its capacity to respond rapidly and decisively. For example, the MERS outbreak was exacerbated by inappropriate responses by major institutions in many countries [92]. National and local governments failed to deliver timely information about the status of the epidemic and response procedures related to MERS.
Thus, preparedness could be analyzed within the realm of governments’ decision making processes. There are a variety of factors that influence decision-making at the national and local levels, in line with strategic thinking [16], on how to intervene to stop the spread of the virus. Glasser et al. [90] argue that the factors which contribute to containment include reduction “in time from symptom onset to clinical presentation and diagnosis during the course of [the] outbreak, together with increasingly effective isolation and other infection-control procedures”. Thus, increased speed in decision making can lead to shortening intervals between the onset of clinical symptoms and isolation of patients with coronavirus and this, in turn, reduces the extent of transmission.
The literature on previous attempts to deal with the COVID-19 includes a review of the role of information dissemination and IT infrastructure as well. Yang and Cho [91], point out that when reliable information is lacking, people incline toward rumors and tend to believe inaccurate information from social media and the internet. This increases the level of perceived risk and public distrust of governments which, in turn, makes the healthcare decisions and efforts less effective. Pan et al. [93], also point to Singapore’s successful intervention in containment of the SARS outbreak which included “streamlined communications, information exchange, and data flow, and significantly eased collaboration among government agencies, private businesses, foreign agencies, and the public”. The idea was to optimize leadership, speed, and coordination by keeping the public up-to-date and helping both public and private sectors to respond to crisis situations.
Furthermore, public participation in cities could play considerable role in increased efficiency of local governmental decisions [17]. Administrators and decision makers at municipalities have implemented different methods and tools to inform their communities, such as social networks [18], online methods based on artificial intelligence [19], and through devices used in smart cities [13] [11].
Risk communication is referred to as an action of “exchanging information about health and/or environments between interested parties” [94]. Such information includes the factors of health and environment risk itself and policy decisions for controlling and managing those risks. In this respect, it is accepted that Coronavirus is a global crisis [5]; and therefore, it needs a global crisis management based on substantive rationality, in which not only national but also international threats are considered in preemptive and reactive decisions [9]. Healthcare officials at the national levels should be empowered to make globally accepted decisions [22, 95].
In the following sections, the concepts and variables mentioned above are discussed in detail within a quantitative methodology to better understand the impacts of decision makers’ approach toward COVID-19.